WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM THE MIYAWAKI METHOD OF REFORESTATION?

WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM THE MIYAWAKI METHOD OF REFORESTATION?

The biggest advantage of the Miyawaki method is time. While conventional reforestation can take 200 to 300 years to reach true forest conditions, the Miyawaki method can deliver a functioning forest in as little as 15 to 20 years — some even become self-sustaining in just 2 to 3 years. At a time when climate change is breathing down our necks, time is something we no longer have the luxury to waste.

This method, pioneered by Japanese botanist Dr. Akira Miyawaki, uses a simple but powerful idea: plant many native species very close together, mimicking how natural forests grow. The result is forests that grow up to ten times faster and become as much as 30 times denser than conventional plantations. These mini-forests restore biodiversity, attract birds and insects, cool surrounding areas through natural shading, absorb carbon, and even help improve groundwater recharge.

Now comes the interesting twist.

In Hyderabad, India, a real-estate developer called the Stonecraft Group is applying the Miyawaki method in its Urbanrise housing projects. Instead of decorating subdivisions with ornamental plants and lawns, they are building real forests within residential developments. These communities enjoy natural cooling, cleaner air, and living biodiversity right in their backyards.

This opens a serious question for us: Why can’t we do this in the Philippines?

Should this become a joint project of the DENR and the DHSUD? If implemented in Metro Manila, how should the MMDA be involved? And why should this be limited to the capital when cities like Davao, Cagayan de Oro, Iloilo, and General Santos still have large open spaces waiting for sensible ecological use?

I believe this idea should already be part of the agenda of all Regional Development Councils. We need a national roadmap for urban and rural reforestation — not just scattered tree-planting drives, but a clear 50- or even 100-year ecological restoration plan. Where do we want our forests to be by 2075 or 2100? If we do not plan now, future generations will inherit nothing but concrete and excuses.

Of course, let us not romanticize this method blindly. The Miyawaki method requires serious groundwork — proper soil preparation, correct identification of native species, and intensive maintenance during the first two to three years. It is not cheap at the beginning. And while many successes have been reported, long-term scientific measurements of carbon capture and forest behavior are still being studied in many countries.

But even with these cautions, the lesson is clear: reforestation does not have to be slow, ugly, or ceremonial. It can be fast, dense, living, and beautiful.

What I find most disturbing is that many of our developments still waste large areas on decorative landscaping that looks neat but is ecologically useless. Lawns consume water, contribute nothing to biodiversity, and disappear the moment maintenance stops. Imagine if every subdivision, school, hospital, government complex, and idle public lot used Miyawaki forests instead.

In just one generation, we could create thousands of small urban forests — breathing spaces in our choking cities. We do not need to wait for perfect conditions. We only need political will, local government commitment, and citizens who demand more than ribbon-cutting tree-planting ceremonies.

The Miyawaki method teaches us a powerful lesson: forests are not just for mountains. They belong in our neighborhoods, beside our homes, near our children’s schools, and within our communities.

The question now is not whether we can do it.

The real question is: Will we finally choose to do it?

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/10-01-2026

IS FREE PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION A COMMON PRACTICE IN OTHER COUNTRIES?

IS FREE PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION A COMMON PRACTICE IN OTHER COUNTRIES?

This might sound like a crazy idea, but I do not mind being called crazy—especially if it means being one of the first to openly advocate free public transportation in the Philippines. But let us be clear: this idea is not crazy at all. In fact, some countries and cities are already doing it.

The first country to go fully free nationwide was Luxembourg in 2020, making all buses, trains, and trams free for everyone. That is not ancient history—that is just five years ago. Other places followed different versions of the same idea. Tallinn in Estonia has offered free public transport to registered residents since 2013. Several cities in France made their bus systems permanently free. Kansas City in the United States removed bus fares. Some cities in China and Germany experimented with free rides during pollution crises.

So no, free public transport is not yet common globally. But it is no longer unthinkable.

Now some will immediately say: “That works for rich countries. The Philippines is poor.” And that is exactly why I am proposing it. Can you imagine how much of a difference free transport would make for minimum-wage earners, daily commuters, students, seniors, and jobseekers? Transport eats a painful chunk of a poor family’s budget. Remove that burden, and the effects ripple through food security, education, health access, and even productivity.

And here is the most important point: we are already doing it locally.

Quezon City now operates a permanent Free Ride program (QCity Bus Service). It started during the pandemic and was institutionalized into law in 2023. Anyone can ride—residents, workers, students, and even visitors. The buses are air-conditioned, WiFi-equipped, and now even include electric buses as part of the city’s environmental push. As of 2025, multiple routes already connect key areas like QC Hall, Cubao, Katipunan, Litex, Muñoz, Mindanao Avenue, and more.

So the question is no longer “Is it possible?”
The question now is “Why not scale it up?”

Why not declare at least one pilot province with free public transport? Why not test it in highly congested urban regions? Why not link it with electric vehicles, disaster response, and climate action? Free transport buses can easily double as evacuation vehicles during floods, typhoons, and earthquakes.

Of course, nothing is truly “free.” The real issue is who pays and how it is funded. In other countries, operations are funded through national taxes, congestion charges, pollution fees, parking revenues, and fuel levies. Yes, the government must subsidize it. But let us ask the uncomfortable question: How much are we already subsidizing traffic congestion, fuel imports, air pollution, road accidents, and road widening?

Studies from free-transport cities show clear benefits:

• Fewer private cars on the road
  
  

• Lower carbon emissions
  
  

• Higher mobility for the poor
  
  

• Simpler systems—no ticket machines, no fare disputes
  But there are also real challenges:
  
  

• Systems get crowded fast
  
  

• Fleets must expand
  
  

• Political will must be strong and consistent
  
  

Still, if a small country like Luxembourg can do it nationwide, if cities in France, Estonia, and the U.S. can sustain it, and if Quezon City can already prove it works locally—then what exactly is stopping us?

Is it money? Or is it imagination?
Is it a policy limitation? Or is it lack of courage?

For barangays, free or subsidized shuttles could connect workers to transport terminals, farmers to markets, students to schools, and patients to clinics. This is not just a transport issue—it is social justice, climate action, disaster preparedness, and economic resilience rolled into one.

So I ask again:
If free public transportation is already real elsewhere—and already real in Quezon City—why are we still treating it as a fantasy for the rest of the country?

Sometimes, the only thing separating an “impossible dream” from a working public service is the boldness to try. And maybe, just maybe, being called “crazy” is the first sign that the idea is actually worth fighting for.

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/09-30-2026

IS THERE AN INTEGRATED CENTER FOR BREEDING ALL KINDS OF NATIVE FISH?

IS THERE AN INTEGRATED CENTER FOR BREEDING ALL KINDS OF NATIVE FISH?

The short answer is yes — and that is the good news.
The bad news? It still looks like we are working in separate silos.

Here in the Philippines, the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) operates the National Inland Fisheries Technology Center (NIFTC). This center is the closest thing we have to an integrated hub for breeding and revitalizing native freshwater fish species. It is involved in induced breeding of ayungin, biya, dalag, native hito, martiniko, and even ulang or freshwater prawn. It also works on hatchery systems, rearing methods, and restocking programs in lakes and rivers.

On paper, that sounds impressive. And it is.

But then comes the next question: why do we also have the National Fisheries Research and Development Institute (NFRDI) — another attached agency of the Department of Agriculture (DA) — doing fisheries research, aquaculture science, and resource management? NFRDI is supposed to be the research arm of BFAR and was created under the Philippine Fisheries Code. So now we have BFAR implementing, NFRDI researching, and both attached to the same department.

I cannot help but ask: why do we need two separate agencies with overlapping functions under one department? Are they perfectly synchronized — or are we duplicating effort, budgets, and manpower?

Then comes the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) through PCAARRD, which also funds and coordinates fish breeding and aquatic research. On top of that, we host the SEAFDEC Aquaculture Department (AQD) in Iloilo — an international organization serving all of Southeast Asia — and of course, we also have the UP College of Fisheries and Ocean Sciences shaping future experts.

So now we have:

• DA → BFAR → NFRDI
  
  

• DOST → PCAARRD
  
  

• International partner → SEAFDEC/AQD
  
  

• Academe → UP and other universities
  
  

All working on fisheries.

My question is simple: Where is the master roadmap?

Is there a single public document that shows where the Philippines is going in terms of native fish conservation — which species we aim to save, where breeding centers will be located, how restocking will be monitored, and how communities will be involved?

Because the problem is real and urgent.

In Laguna Lake alone, native fish species dropped from about 71% in the 1960s to only around 4% by 2016–2017. That is not decline — that is collapse. And when native fish collapse, ecosystems collapse with them. Food security weakens. Culture disappears. Livelihoods shrink.

This is why native fish breeding is not just a scientific project. It is:

• Biodiversity protection
  
  

• Food security
  
  

• Cultural preservation
  
  

• And potentially, a powerful driver of community-based circular economies
  
  

Imagine barangay-level hatcheries linked to aquaponics, retention ponds, flood control systems, and local protein production. Imagine native fish being bred, grown, consumed, and replenished locally — instead of depending entirely on imported fry or invasive species.

But this will not happen through fragmented programs.

What we need now is a truly integrated National Native Fish Breeding Network — one that:

• Aligns DA, DOST, SEAFDEC and the academe
  
  

• Has a clear species recovery roadmap
  
  

• Connects science directly to barangay-level implementation
  
  

• And measures success not just by reports, but by fish returning to our rivers and lakes
  
  

Yes, we do have NIFTC. Yes, we do have NFRDI, PCAARRD, SEAFDEC and our universities. But without a unified direction, we risk doing many good things — separately — and still losing the war.

So I ask the uncomfortable question:

Do we really have an integrated center for breeding all kinds of native fish — or do we only have pieces of one?

Because our native fish do not have the luxury of waiting for bureaucracy to catch up.

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/09-29-2026

WHO HAS THE RIGHTS TO DESTROY OUR MOUNTAINS?

 WHO HAS THE RIGHTS TO DESTROY OUR MOUNTAINS?

I hope I am only dreaming. Or maybe I am just a victim of fake news. But I keep hearing stories of entire mountains being excavated, scooped out, flattened — not for national security, not for public safety, not even for essential infrastructure — but for sand, soil, gravel, rocks, and minerals to be sold elsewhere for profit.

In these stories, permits are allegedly signed by mayors and governors as if they personally owned these mountains, as if nature came with a transferable title. Even worse, some of these same officials are rumored to be the very ones running the operations. If this is true, then what we are witnessing is not development. It is legalized plunder.

Yes, the government does have the power to grant extractive rights — for mining, quarrying, or timber — but let us be very clear: not even the government has the moral authority to grant anyone the right to completely destroy a mountain. A permit is not a license to erase an ecosystem.

So where is the national government in all this?
Where is the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR)?
Do they even know how many mountains have already been disfigured, hollowed out, or wiped from the map?

We loudly condemn corruption in flood control projects — and rightly so, because people die in floods. But what about corruption in mountain destruction? Isn’t that just as deadly, only slower? When mountains are stripped, floods become worse. When forests disappear, droughts become harsher. When watersheds are destroyed, water shortages follow. The bill always comes due.

And who keeps track of the wildlife that vanishes when a mountain is carved apart?
The birds, the insects, the reptiles, the plants found nowhere else on Earth?
Do they get listed as “collateral damage”? Or do they simply vanish without official record?

This is not just an environmental issue. This is a governance crisis.

Mountains are not just piles of rock. They are living systems. They store water, regulate climate, prevent floods and landslides, and feed our rivers. They are also cultural landscapes. For many Indigenous communities, mountains are sacred — not commodities, not quarries, not profit centers. Destroying a mountain is not just environmental destruction; it is cultural erasure.

So who really has the rights here?

Legally, the state issues permits.
Economically, corporations claim contracts.
Politically, local officials wield signatures.

But morally, mountains do not belong to politicians, corporations, or even the present generation alone. They belong to the people who live with them, to future generations, and to the ecosystems that took thousands or even millions of years to evolve.

If a mountain is destroyed today, can the law still run after the offenders tomorrow?
Can accountability still happen after the last tree has fallen and the last slope has collapsed?
Or will everything be dismissed as “already done”?

Instead of racing to destroy what is left of our natural defenses, we should be racing to reforest, rehabilitate, and protect what still stands. Instead of counting quarry revenues, we should be counting how many watersheds we have saved, how many forests were restored, and how many communities protected from floods and landslides.

Perhaps what we truly lack is not laws — we have many of them — but the political will to enforce them without fear or favor. Perhaps what we truly lack is the courage to say no to short-term profit and yes to long-term survival.

So I ask again, and I ask it loudly:

Who has the right to destroy our mountains?
Because from where I stand, the only real right that exists is the duty to protect them.

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/09-28-2026