A SECOND CHANCE: WHY INTERNATIONAL PRISONER EXCHANGE SHOULD BE A NATIONAL POLICY

A SECOND CHANCE: WHY INTERNATIONAL PRISONER EXCHANGE SHOULD BE A NATIONAL POLICY

Every time I hear of a Filipino executed abroad, I feel a punch in the gut. The most recent was on October 8, 2024, in Saudi Arabia. A fellow Filipino, convicted of murder, met the full force of the law. The Philippine government tried—sent legal help, even a presidential letter—but the victim’s family refused to accept blood money.

He was executed anyway.

As of March 2023, there were 83 Filipinos on death row across the globe: Malaysia, UAE, Indonesia, China, Japan, and even the USA. Most of them are there for drugs or theft. Some were duped, others took risks, and a few may truly be guilty. But they all share one thing: they are Filipinos who ended up on foreign soil with no way out.

We hear these stories so often, we grow numb. At first there’s outrage, then despair, and finally, silence. Even government efforts eventually taper off. After all the appeals, negotiations, and legal motions—there comes a point when even our own government gives up.

But should we really give up?

Let me tell you a story you may remember: Sarah Balabagan. She was a teenager, a domestic helper in the United Arab Emirates, accused of murder in 1994. She faced the death penalty. She would have been another sad statistic—another compatriot lost—if not for one man who refused to give up on her.

That man was my late brother, Ambassador Roy Villareal Seneres.

Roy dug deep, not just into law but into principle. He found a loophole: under British law, life sentences were not allowed, so how could a British national in the UAE demand one? He used diplomacy, logic, and relentless effort to save her life. And he succeeded. Sarah came home alive.

But not every ambassador is like Roy. Not every case has a legal gray area to exploit. That’s why I believe we need another approach—something institutional, not situational. Something built into the fabric of our foreign policy.

That “something” is prisoner exchange.

It’s not a new idea. It’s a long-standing diplomatic practice, as old as diplomacy itself. And in this case, it can mean more than diplomacy—it can mean redemption.

Imagine this: instead of letting OFWs rot in foreign jails or worse, face execution, why not bring them home? Let them serve the rest of their sentence in Philippine custody, closer to their families, their culture, their language, and maybe even a shot at rehabilitation.

This isn’t just a dream. The ASEAN Regional Correctional Conference in 2025 already laid some groundwork. The Bureau of Corrections discussed ways to transfer Filipinos home to finish their sentences. Even the case of Mary Jane Veloso, imprisoned in Indonesia, has sparked conversations about swaps.

In September 2024, there were discussions about exchanging Alice Guo, a former mayor accused of trafficking, for Gregor Johann Haas, an Australian drug offender in Indonesia. It never materialized—but the seeds were planted.

Here’s the truth: we have the leverage. The Bureau of Immigration, BuCor, and BJMP all hold foreign nationals in custody. Why not use this for a humanitarian cause?

But we must go beyond isolated deals. We need a national policy on prisoner exchange—backed by clear guidelines, legal frameworks, and a comprehensive database of Filipinos incarcerated abroad. We must prioritize cases based on urgency, legality, and humanitarian grounds.

Why should Russia and Ukraine—nations at war—be able to do prisoner swaps, and we, a country that preaches compassion, cannot?

Let’s stop treating these cases as individual heartbreaks. Let’s start treating them as part of a system we can fix.

To President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., I say: you have spoken about digitalization, modernization, and protecting OFWs. This is a golden opportunity to lead with humanity and foresight.

I recommend forming an inter-agency task force under the Department of Foreign Affairs, with support from the Department of Migrant Workers. Let’s begin building a legal and logistical framework for prisoner exchange. Let’s identify which Filipinos can be saved, and which foreign prisoners we can offer in return.

This isn't just about diplomacy—it’s about dignity. About giving our people a second chance, even when they are far from home.

And if the DFA needs my help, I am here.

Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres
iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com

08-01-2025

THE CITIZEN IS THE CUSTOMER, THE VOTER AND THE TAXPAYER ROLLED INTO ONE

THE CITIZEN IS THE CUSTOMER, THE VOTER AND THE TAXPAYER ROLLED INTO ONE

In the private sector, Customer Relations Management (CRM) is like oxygen—companies simply can’t survive without it. It's how businesses keep track of you, anticipate your needs, follow up on your concerns, and make sure you come back. To them, “the customer is king.” They fear losing even a single buyer.

Now ask yourself: When was the last time a government office treated you like a king?

Exactly.

The difference is night and day. In the public sector, CRM is practically unheard of. The idea that agencies should manage their “customers”—which in this case are the citizens, the taxpayers, and the voters—is almost alien. Maybe that’s why our government services are not just inefficient—they’re often insufficient.

So, let’s flip the script. In my book, every citizen is not just a customer. He is a four-in-one power bloc: a customer, a citizen, a taxpayer, and a voter. And yet, he is treated as if he’s lucky to get any service at all—standing in long lines, calling unanswered phones, waiting weeks for basic documents. Is it any surprise people are disillusioned with the government?

Here’s my challenge to every public agency: If private companies are terrified of single-person customers, why aren’t you afraid of four-headed monsters like us?

Time to Get Digital, Time to Get Real

CRM systems have revolutionized the private sector—but in government, we’re stuck in the Stone Age. Most agencies still list only landline numbers on their websites. But who even uses landlines anymore? What about citizens who rely solely on mobile phones?

Worse, many government offices don’t even list email addresses, and if they do have Facebook Messenger accounts, they only respond with autoreplies. Try messaging them and you’ll feel like you're texting into a black hole.

Why not have real call centers that handle emails, texts, Viber, WhatsApp, Telegram, and yes—voice calls? If businesses can do it, why can’t the agencies that are funded by our taxes do it?

Project 8888: A Good Idea Gone Astray

Let me be candid: I conceptualized Project 8888 with the idea that any citizen could contact the President anytime, anywhere, using any device. Sadly, its implementation strayed from the original vision. It became more of a complaints desk than a true digital bridge between people and power.

Project 8888 should be much more than a hotline for grievances. It should allow for suggestions, questions, follow-ups, and full-blown online transactions. I’m more than willing to help rebuild and reboot the project to match the true potential of digital governance.

CRM on a National Scale: Why Not?

CRM tools aren’t even expensive anymore. There are excellent free and open-source CRM platforms, and even the paid ones are cost-effective when spread across a national system. What’s expensive is inefficiency. What costs us more is the wasted time, missed deadlines, and frustrated citizens who give up on government services altogether.

But let’s not stop there. If we truly believe in digital transformation, we need a national roadmap for how data will be shared across agencies—securely and intelligently. That means investing in backend systems, not just front-facing apps. Let’s get real: if digitalization means anything, it should mean citizens no longer have to physically appear just to get what is rightfully theirs.

Better still? Let’s not just wait for people to call in—why not bring government services to their homes? Home service, home delivery. If private companies can deliver groceries, gadgets, and even gourmet meals, why can’t government deliver birth certificates, passports, or ID cards?

Dreaming Big—With You

That’s my dream. And I hope it becomes our shared dream. A government that uses the same tools that make private companies efficient. A government that sees citizens as customers—not intruders. A government that listens, responds, and acts.

Can we get there?

Yes, if we believe that the citizen is king. Not the bureaucrat. Not the middleman. Not the system.

So, I ask: Will you dream with me?

Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres
iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com

07-31-2025

COPRA MEAL VERSUS COCONUT OIL VERSUS VCO: LET’S COMPARE THE ECONOMICS

COPRA MEAL VERSUS COCONUT OIL VERSUS VCO: LET’S COMPARE THE ECONOMICS

The Department of Agriculture (DA) recently promoted the use of copra meal in cattle feed, citing global soybean shortages. It’s a practical stopgap, sure. But as with many short-term fixes, we must ask: Is this the best use of our coconuts for the long term?

This brings us to an economic fork in the road. Should we keep processing copra into animal feeds, or should we pivot to producing cooking oil or even virgin coconut oil (VCO)? What path gives us more value, more jobs, and a stronger foothold in global markets?

Let’s break this down.

Copra for Animal Feeds: The Low-End Route

Copra meal is a byproduct—the residue left after oil has been squeezed out of dried coconut meat. It’s a staple in animal feed, especially when soybean prices go up. But the margins are thin, and the risks are high.

We lose precious oil during the drying process. The copra is also prone to insect damage, salmonella contamination, and spoilage during transport. That’s a lot of trouble for a product that sells cheaply in bulk.

Sure, it’s better than nothing. But is it the best we can do?

Cooking Oil: A Middle Ground

Coconut cooking oil, especially RBD (Refined, Bleached, and Deodorized) oil, is a stable product with a steady domestic and export market. It sells for far more than copra meal, but requires more investment—drying, expelling, refining, and packaging.

It also produces copra meal as a byproduct, so technically, we’re still getting animal feed out of the process. That’s one question answered: these two aren’t mutually exclusive. We can process for oil and still get feed ingredients as a bonus.

But should we even be drying the coconuts in the first place?

Wet Process vs. Dry Process: Skipping Copra Altogether

It might be better to extract oil directly from wet coconuts, skipping the drying step altogether. This method preserves more of the oil’s nutrients and avoids many of the contamination risks associated with copra. And yes, this wet process can still yield byproducts, such as coconut residue or flour, which can be used in feed.

So, if the idea is to support both the food sector and the feed sector, maybe this is the smarter route.

Virgin Coconut Oil: The Premium Path

Now here’s where things get interesting. Virgin Coconut Oil (VCO) is cold pressed from fresh coconut meat, not copra. It retains all the natural compounds, has a premium price tag, and is in high demand in the health, beauty, and wellness sectors—especially abroad.

Is it harder to make? Yes. Is it more expensive to produce? Definitely. But is it more profitable? Without a doubt.

Let’s look at the numbers:

• Copra meal: $150–$200 per ton
• Cooking oil: Around $1,000 per ton
• VCO: $2,000–$3,000 per ton

No contest.

So, What Should We Do?

If our goal is maximum value and export potential, we should pivot to VCO production. If we want to stay practical and serve both local and foreign markets with less risk, cooking oil is a good compromise. Copra meal? It’s fine, but only as a byproduct—not the end goal.

That leads me to several key questions I think our policymakers and industry stakeholders should answer:

1.   Why are we still investing heavily in copra processing instead of helping farmers and cooperatives shift to wet processing or VCO?

2.   Can we support this shift by offering small-scale cold press machines or shared processing hubs through DTI or DOST programs?

3.   Shouldn’t we establish clearer industry guidance on how to align coconut processing with high-value product outcomes—rather than bulk commodity dependence?

4.   Is there an inter-agency plan to transition from low-value copra meal to high-value VCO or at least dual-purpose oil/feed processing?

A Call for Coordination

This is a job for a Technical Working Group (TWG)—ideally composed of the Department of Agriculture (DA), the Department of rade and Industry (DTI), and the Department of Science and Technology (DOST). The TWG should study how to modernize our coconut processing value chain, prioritize VCO, and explore how animal feed can still be derived from the upgraded processes.

We’ve been talking about inclusive growth and Agri-industrialization for years. Well, here’s a concrete opportunity. Let’s move up the coconut value chain—and not stay stuck in the past, drying our profits away under the sun.

Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres
iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com

07-30-2025

LET US ALL HELP OUR LOCAL POLICE

LET US ALL HELP OUR LOCAL POLICE Let’s be honest: whatever budget the national government allocates to the Philippine National Police (PNP will never be enough. Not for their growing operational needs. Not for the constantly evolving threats they face. And not for the daily grind of keeping peace in our cities and towns. Thankfully, many local government units (LGUs) across the country are stepping up. They’re helping fill in the gaps by providing additional support—patrol vehicles, fuel, building maintenance, even occasional allowances for local police officers. That’s a good thing. That’s cooperation at work. But I believe we can go a step further. Why not bring the private sector into the picture? Local businesses—big and small—stand to gain when their communities are safe. And many of them are already active in civic programs. So why not make it easier (and more rewarding) for them to support their own local police forces? They could treat it as a form of corporate social responsibility (CSR)—provided there are clear rules and, ideally, tax incentives. Which brings me to the heart of the matter: Can private donors get tax credits when they help the PNP? And if yes, how exactly does that work? That’s why I’m respectfully raising the following questions—hoping our policy makers can provide clarity and guidance. Because if the rules were made clearer, more people might be willing to help. And let’s face it, this is the kind of public-private partnership that can yield tangible results on the ground. First: What’s the legal basis for tax credits for PNP donations? Are there specific laws or executive orders that provide for tax credits or rebates for donations made to the PNP? This is the foundation. Without a legal framework, most businesses won’t touch the idea—even if they want to help. Second: What kinds of donations are allowed? Is the law limited to monetary donations, or does it also include equipment like communication radios, CCTVs, body cams, police outpost upgrades, or even drones? What about more sensitive items like firearms or surveillance tools—are those restricted? Third: Can donated services count too? Say a company offers free training, IT support, building maintenance, or legal advice—could that be considered a donation? And if so, how would it be valued for tax purposes? We need concrete, implementable guidelines here. Fourth: Are there thresholds? Are there minimum or maximum amounts set for what’s eligible for tax credit? This is important so that small-to-medium enterprises (SMEs) know whether even modest donations will count. After all, it’s not just about the big corporations—local SMEs can play a major role if encouraged. Fifth: What about rent-free real estate? There may be property owners who are willing to lend or lease space to local police units for offices or precincts without charging rent. Can this kind of in-kind donation be credited as well? In highly urbanized areas where land and buildings are expensive, this could be a game-changer. Sixth: Do computers and software qualify? Let’s not forget that modern policing is no longer just about boots on the ground. The digital battlefield is just as important. Donations of cybersecurity systems, database management tools, and hardware can make a huge difference. Will these qualify for tax credit—and under what terms? Seventh: What about vehicles? Police mobility remains a perennial issue. If a donor provides vehicles—cars, motorcycles, or even boats for coastal areas—can those be considered legitimate, tax-incentivized contributions? Are there requirements, such as vehicle age, usage limits, or condition? The goal of all these questions isn’t to complicate things—it’s to create a system that encourages help while protecting public interest. The more businesses are assured that they can help legally, ethically, and with proper recognition, the more likely they are to get involved. Imagine the potential impact: a hardware store donates computers to the precinct. A logistics company offers free vehicle servicing. A real estate developer lends a space for a police substation. Multiply that across the country, and you have a massive informal support network bolstering our police infrastructure—without waiting for slow-moving government funds. I hope President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Interior Secretary Jonvic Remulla give this serious thought. Perhaps the DOF and BIR can review and publish updated guidelines to make this process clearer. And if legislation is needed, I’m sure there are lawmakers ready to take it up—especially those with strong ties to both business and local governance. Our PNP officers put their lives on the line daily. It’s only fair that we, as a society, explore every possible way to support them—not just through taxes, but through partnerships. We all benefit from safer communities. It’s time to make it easier for everyone to do their part. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-29-2025

TEN PERCENT CHARITY BEDS: AN ORDER LOST IN THE SHADOWS

TEN PERCENT CHARITY BEDS: AN ORDER LOST IN THE SHADOWS We seem to have a curious habit in this country: we pass good rules… and then forget to implement them. Or maybe we implement them quietly, half-heartedly, or in obscure corners. Either way, the public hardly hears anything about it. Take for instance Department of Health (DOH) Administrative Order No. 2007-0041. This order—signed way back in 2007 by then Health Secretary Francisco Duque III—requires all private hospitals to allocate 10% of their beds for charity patients. It’s a beautiful concept, especially when we talk about universal healthcare. But 17 years later, where are we with it? Seriously, does anyone even know it still exists? It makes me wonder: why issue an administrative order if we’re not going to follow through? Maybe we are implementing it—somewhere, somehow—but there’s no monitoring. Or maybe there is monitoring, but no reporting. Or maybe there are reports—but they’re sitting in dusty folders on forgotten desks. Whatever the case, the public doesn’t know, and that’s the real problem. Because when the people don’t know, they can’t claim what’s due them. Let’s ask the obvious: are private hospitals complying with this 10% charity bed rule? Is anyone keeping track? Is the DOH checking hospital records and publishing results? Are compliant hospitals being recognized or rewarded? I’m not accusing anyone of neglect here—but there’s certainly a vacuum of information. And when there’s no transparency, suspicion isn’t far behind. Could the DOH be remiss in its duties? Or—giving them the benefit of the doubt—perhaps this task hasn’t even been part of Secretary Ted Herbosa’s KPIs. He was, after all, retained by the President. So maybe it’s time to clarify: Whose job is it to ensure this gets done? To be fair, orders can be overlooked simply because no one is assigned to push them. But this one matters. Think about it: if indigent patients could access 10% of beds in private hospitals—for free—it would be a huge boost on top of their PhilHealth coverage and PCSO assistance. How many lives could be saved? How much suffering could be reduced? The potential is massive. But for all its promise, this order is invisible. Ask the average citizen—and even many doctors—and they’ve never heard of it. Hospitals barely advertise it. Patients certainly don’t demand it. And worst of all, no one’s talking about it. So, allow me to raise a few questions—simple ones that deserve clear answers: 1. Is this order being enforced? Are there statistics showing how many hospitals are complying? 2. Are there incentives for compliance? Tax breaks? Recognition? Anything to encourage participation? 3. Are there penalties for ignoring it? Or is this just one of those rules that’s more of a “suggestion” than a requirement? 4. Who’s responsible for monitoring it? The DOH? LGUs? PhilHealth? Someone needs to own this. 5. Can we name at least five hospitals that fully comply? I’d love to celebrate them in this column. 6. Why isn’t this being publicized? Why not run an awareness campaign to inform indigent patients? I truly believe this policy—if actively enforced—could be a game changer for the healthcare system. And it doesn’t even require new laws or major budgets. The policy is already there. What’s missing is intensity and focus. Or to borrow the President’s recent phrasing, we need to implement this order “fiercely and intensely.” I hope President Marcos Jr. and Secretary Herbosa revisit this administrative order. It aligns perfectly with the President’s goals for better public health access, and with Secretary Herbosa’s vision for reforming the system. All it takes is political will—and perhaps, better coordination with PhilHealth and the PCSO, whose assistance programs often get overwhelmed. Let’s not allow this law to fade into irrelevance. Let’s dust it off, shine a light on it, and get it working for the people it was meant to help. In fact, if the government needs help publicizing it, I’d be more than willing to support it using online platforms, databases, or even social media outreach. Just say the word. Because in a country where healthcare is still a privilege for many, even just ten percent can mean the world. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-28-2025

IT’S TIME TO RECALIBRATE OUR DISEASE CONTROL AGENCIES

IT’S TIME TO RECALIBRATE OUR DISEASE CONTROL AGENCIES President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. recently spoke about "recalibrating" the government by reshuffling some officials and removing others. That’s a welcome move. A good manager knows when to tighten bolts and when to replace rusted parts. But in some cases, we need more than a personnel shuffle—we may need to merge entire government functions. I’m not suggesting a total government overhaul. Far from it. But when it comes to something as vital and time-sensitive as public health—particularly disease control—we cannot afford clutter, overlap, or delays. Efficiency isn’t a luxury in this area; it’s a necessity. So, here's a modest, but practical proposal, that we consolidate the Disease Prevention and Control Bureau (DPCB), the Epidemiology Bureau (EB), and the Research Institute for Tropical Medicine (RITM) into one unified entity under the Department of Health. One chain of command. One clear mission. One accountable leadership. Let’s call this new entity whatever we want—the Center for Infectious Disease Management, perhaps—but what matters is that it should be headed by an Undersecretary who directly reports to the Secretary of Health, and not merely “coordinate” among silos. The job calls for a firm, decisive manager who can mobilize people and resources without getting bogged down by bureaucratic red tape. Some might argue this would require legislation—and they may be right. But I also believe the President has enough leeway to reorganize within the executive branch. That’s not overreach; that’s leadership. And the sooner we begin streamlining, the better. After all, viruses don’t wait for Congress. And before anyone raises eyebrows, no—I am not echoing Donald Trump. But say what you want about him, his push for a “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE) had a point. It wasn’t about being flashy; it was about getting government to function faster and cheaper. What’s wrong with that? In our case, we need to be proactive, not reactive. Another pandemic—or even a localized outbreak—could strike at any moment. We were caught off guard by COVID-19. Are we still willing to risk being unprepared next time? Take contact tracing, for example. During the pandemic, it was everyone’s job and no one’s responsibility. That must change. The newly consolidated entity should have full control over contact tracing, backed by robust technology and approved by the Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT). No more patchwork apps. No more conflicting protocols. Then there’s the often-overlooked issue of HAZMAT victims. Right now, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) handles the cleanup, but who takes care of the people exposed? This should clearly fall under the DOH—specifically under this new unit. We need a medical team ready to respond not just to diseases, but also to chemical exposure incidents. If the danger is public health, then public health must lead the response. I’m not an alarmist. I’m just being practical. We’re not reinventing the wheel here. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the U.S. has long functioned as a centralized authority for health crises, with considerable success. Why can’t we emulate the structure—minus the politics? Consolidating these three agencies will lead to: Faster coordination. Clearer accountability. More efficient use of resources. Stronger scientific and operational synergy. We already have great people working in DPCB, EB, and RITM. This isn’t about firing anyone—it’s about putting them on the same team, with the same playbook. Of course, implementation won’t be simple. It must involve consultations with health professionals, local government units (LGUs), and maybe even our international partners. We need the legal framework, the funding, and the systems to back it up. But it’s doable—and more importantly, it’s worth doing. President Marcos Jr. has already shown a willingness to adapt and reform. This proposal fits right in with that mindset. A government that learns from the past and one that plans ahead is one that serves its people best. We’ve had our wake-up call. Let’s not press the snooze button again. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-27-2025

THE HAZMAT TIME BOMB ON OUR ROADS

THE HAZMAT TIME BOMB ON OUR ROADS Let me say this plainly: we are sitting on a ticking time bomb—and it’s riding down our roads in unmarked trucks, operated by drivers with no special training, surrounded by civilians who don’t even know the danger is there. I’m talking about hazardous materials. HAZMAT. Chemicals, fuels, flammables, toxins—substances so dangerous that one wrong move, one bad brake, one reckless swerve can cause a disaster we’re utterly unprepared to handle. We Regulate Tricycles Better Than Toxic Cargo How can it be that we require tricycle drivers to register annually, but we don’t require HAZMAT drivers to have specialized training or licensing? Hazardous materials are being transported across our provinces, cities, even right through busy intersections—without a comprehensive national policy to ensure their safe transport. That’s why I wrote to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., to urge immediate, coordinated government action. Because if we don’t act now, the consequences could be irreversible. What's Missing? Almost Everything. Let’s start with the basics: No mandatory special licenses for drivers hauling HAZMAT cargo? That’s like letting anyone fly a plane just because they’ve driven a car. No specific vehicle inspections for trucks carrying toxic chemicals? Not even periodic brake checks? No laws preventing HAZMAT trucks from entering tunnels? What happens if there’s a leak, or worse, an explosion in a confined underground space? The entire structure—and everyone in it—is toast. And let’s not forget that many of these trucks don’t even have visible hazard markings. Other drivers have no idea they’re tailgating a mobile chemical bomb. Ignorance Is Dangerous There’s also the issue of public awareness. Ask the average motorist what to do when they see a HAZMAT vehicle. Most won’t even recognize one. Others think it’s just another delivery truck. We need public education campaigns—on TV, online, and even in driving schools—explaining how to safely interact with these high-risk vehicles on the road. Who Pays When It All Goes Wrong? Let’s say a truck carrying chlorine crashes into a public market. Who pays for the cleanup? For the hospitalizations? For the lives lost. Right now, it seems that there’s no legal requirement for third-party liability insurance specific to HAZMAT transport. It seems that there’s no dedicated cleanup fund either. The victims? Left with bills, trauma, and zero accountability from the companies responsible. It’s not just unfair—it’s criminal negligence at a national scale. And What About Our First Responders? We expect our firefighters and police to run toward the danger when there’s a chemical spill or explosion. But do they have the proper gear, training, or protocols to handle HAZMAT situations? Most don’t. We need to equip and train first responders to deal with chemical leaks, toxic inhalation, and environmental decontamination. Otherwise, we’re just sending them into situations they’re not prepared to survive. And Yes, Let’s Talk About Terrorism We’ve seen in other countries how HAZMAT cargo has been used in terrorist plots. In the wrong hands, a truck of toxic material becomes a weapon of mass destruction. That’s why every HAZMAT incident must be investigated for possible links to terrorism. Security isn’t just about guarding borders. It’s about securing what moves within them. What Should Be Done? The solutions aren’t revolutionary. They’re just long overdue: Special licensing and certification for HAZMAT drivers Strict inspections for HAZMAT vehicles Clearly defined road rules—including tunnel restrictions Mandatory warning labels and visibility standards Third-party liability insurance requirements Accountability for environmental cleanup Driver protections for those unfairly blamed in incidents Enhanced training and gear for first responders Public education on how to respond to HAZMAT vehicles Government oversight and inter-agency coordination In short, we need a national HAZMAT policy framework, backed by law, funded by the proper channels, and implemented with real teeth. The Clock Is Ticking We don’t need to wait for the next tragic incident to act. The absence of policy is not neutral—it’s dangerous. Every day we delay action, we increase the odds that something will go horribly, irreversibly wrong. President Marcos Jr. has spoken of innovation, modernization, and infrastructure development. But no number of bridges or expressways will matter if we don’t secure what’s moving across them. We need to regulate HAZMAT transport with the seriousness it deserves—before it becomes a headline we can’t take back. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-26-2025

WHY ARE FAULTY BRAKES KILLING US?

WHY ARE FAULTY BRAKES KILLING US? Let me begin with a question we should all be asking, especially those in power: Why are so many Filipinos dying on our roads because of faulty brakes? It’s a question that has haunted me every time I read another tragic news report: a bus plunges into a ravine, a truck rams into a row of cars, a jeepney overturns. Often, the explanation is predictable and painfully repetitive— “nawalan ng preno.” But I must ask: is this still acceptable in 2025? The Silent Epidemic on Our Roads Our roads are death traps not just because of driver error or traffic congestion, but because we continue to allow unsafe vehicles to operate. Brake failure is not fate—it’s negligence. It’s a mechanical failure that is almost always preventable. That’s why I wrote a letter to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., asking hard questions and offering practical suggestions. Because if we won’t fix this problem now, we’re simply allowing the next accident to happen. Do We Even Know the Numbers? First, where’s the data? We need the Department of Transportation or LTO to show how many road accidents over the past five years have been attributed to brake failure. And how many of those resulted in deaths or permanent injuries? Without data, how can we craft real solutions? Inspection: Where Is It? Is there not a national system for checking the roadworthiness of vehicles, especially brakes? I know the LTO has a Motor Vehicle Inspection System (MVIS)—but where are these stations located? How many vehicles go through them? Are they mandatory or optional? And let’s be honest: how many vehicles, especially trucks and buses, pass without being properly checked? The poor condition of many public and even government-owned vehicles is an open secret. “Pitstop” Safety Stations: A Simple but Life-Saving Idea What if we set up mobile or fixed safety inspection “pitstops” along major highways, especially in accident-prone areas? Vehicles—especially cargo trucks and passenger buses—could be randomly or regularly pulled over for quick checks on brakes, lights, tires, and weight. Is this too ambitious? Not really. We already have checkpoints and weighing stations in some provinces. Why not repurpose or upgrade them into safety hubs? Accountability Must Be Enforced We need stronger penalties for operators and drivers who neglect basic vehicle maintenance. If an accident occurs and it’s proven that a vehicle’s brakes were defective, then the owners, mechanics, and even the certifying authorities must be held accountable. And what of the victims? Are they even insured? Many passengers who die or are injured in these accidents get little to no compensation. Shouldn’t there be mandatory insurance coverage for all public utility vehicles, covering brake-related incidents? Special Licenses, Certified Mechanics, Weight Control If brake failure is often linked to heavy vehicles, then why aren’t we requiring special licenses for truck and bus drivers—complete with skills training in emergency braking, downshifting, and load management? And speaking of load management, overloading is another silent killer. It’s no secret that many trucks carry more than they’re allowed. This overstresses brakes and tires. It’s illegal, and yet, it's everywhere. Another big issue? Mechanics. Right now, anyone with a wrench can open up a truck’s brake system and call themselves a “mechanic.” Shouldn’t we require certification for those who work on the most critical components of public and cargo vehicles? Safety Is Not a Luxury Some might say all these proposals would be expensive. But how expensive is a life? Let me be blunt: If we can afford endless road-widening projects and overpriced traffic lights, we can surely afford to build a functional road safety system. The public has a right to safe travel. But rights are meaningless if they’re not protected by policy and enforcement. Will the President Act? In his many speeches, President Marcos has spoken of modernization, digitalization, and innovation. But I respectfully ask: can we not apply some of that same energy to saving lives on our roads? Road safety isn’t glamorous. It doesn’t make headlines or ribbon-cutting ceremonies. But if even one life is saved because of better inspections, tougher enforcement, or smarter policy—isn’t that worth more than any infrastructure photo-op? It’s time we stopped normalizing brake failure as just another tragic quirk of Philippine roads. It's not fate. It's fixable. And the fix should begin now. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-25-2025

WHO CARES FOR THE CAREGIVERS?

WHO CARES FOR THE CAREGIVERS? Let’s talk about heroes. Not the kind who wear capes or swing from buildings, but the ones who wear scrubs and work 12-hour shifts in hospitals that are underfunded, understaffed, and—let’s be blunt—undervalued. We called them frontliners during the pandemic. We applauded them. We gave them hashtags. We even offered them pizza and a few months’ worth of discounts. But three years after the worst of COVID-19, I have one simple question: how are our health workers doing now? Sadly, the answer is: not much better than before. The Applause Has Faded—Now What? Let’s cut through the rhetoric. If we truly believe our doctors, nurses, medical technologists, midwives, ambulance drivers, janitors, and admin staff are heroes, then where are the tangible rewards? What have we really done to make their lives easier? I sent a letter to President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. asking just that. Here’s what I wanted to know: Where’s the job security? Many government hospital workers are still on contract of service or job order status. They wear the same uniforms, carry the same risks, and do the same tasks as their regular counterparts—but without tenure or benefits. Why the mismatch in pay and roles? Nurses with board licenses are sometimes hired as nursing attendants just to fill vacancies. Is this how we treat professionals who trained for years to save our lives? Where is the protection? During the pandemic, many made do with makeshift face masks. I’m not making that up—some literally used cloths and plastic sheets. Do we expect them to fight future outbreaks with the same lack of basic gear? Do they even get rest? Staff quarters are a luxury in most public hospitals. After grueling shifts, some health workers either nap on benches or commute home half-asleep. Can we not provide them a dignified place to sleep? What about life insurance? If a health worker dies from a hospital-acquired infection, is their family covered? Or do they just get another “hero” certificate? Where’s the gratitude now? Remember when they were given free meals, discounts, and ride shares during the pandemic? Most of those were just marketing gimmicks. Can we institutionalize real, consistent support for our medical workers? A Long List of Questions—Still Waiting for Answers I raised 13 specific points in my letter to the President, ranging from salary issues to free transportation. My logic is simple: If we want to keep our healthcare system afloat, we need to keep our health workers at home. Because right now, they’re leaving. Every day. Nurses, especially, are flying out to the UK, Germany, Australia, and the US. Can we blame them? If you're underpaid, overworked, and treated like you’re replaceable, why would you stay? No Healthcare Without Health Workers It baffles me how we keep talking about Universal Healthcare when the very people who will implement it are treated so poorly. You can pass all the Universal Healthcare Acts you want, but if there’s no nurse to take your blood pressure or doctor to read your chart, what’s the point? Are there laws in place already? Yes. Are they being implemented? Rarely. Is Congress doing something about it? Occasionally—but sporadic hearings and symbolic visits aren’t enough. We need sustained, systemic change. A Call for a National Healthcare Workforce Strategy What we need is a comprehensive national plan to improve the lives of medical workers across all levels. I’m not just talking about high-profile doctors. I’m talking about the entire team—from the ER nurse to the utility worker disinfecting hospital rooms. This plan should include: Regularization of qualified health workers in public hospitals. Salary standardization and proper placement for all. Provision of PPE and training in every facility. Dedicated rest areas and affordable food options. Free or discounted transport. Government-provided life and health insurance. This isn’t just about fairness. It’s about public health survival. The Question Remains President Marcos has said he wants a “fierce” and “intense” government. Well, I ask: Can we be fierce in protecting our health workers? Can we be intense in giving them the respect and compensation they deserve? If we can’t protect those who protect us, what kind of society are we building? It’s time to move beyond applause. Let’s act. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-24-2025

TURNING INVASIVE WEEDS INTO GREEN GOLD

TURNING INVASIVE WEEDS INTO GREEN GOLD There’s an old saying that goes, “one man’s trash is another man’s treasure.” But in this case, it’s more accurate to say that one country’s aquatic menace could become another country’s environmental solution. In Kenya, a young engineering student named Joseph Nguthiru came up with a brilliant idea—one that could potentially clean up both pollution and poverty. Through his company HyaPak Ecotech Limited, he has developed a way to turn water hyacinths into biodegradable plastic. Yes, you read that right—those pesky floating plants clogging waterways can now become eco-friendly seedling bags, wrappers, straws, tumblers, and even party plates. These biodegradable products decompose within 3 to 12 months, leaving zero plastic waste behind. Now, I ask you: Why can’t we do that here in the Philippines? From Problem Plant to Planet Protector Water hyacinths are no strangers to us. We see them blanketing our rivers and lakes, particularly in Laguna de Bay, where they choke marine life, stall boats, and destroy livelihoods—especially for fishermen. Local governments and even well-meaning NGOs have tried to turn this invasive plant into raw material for furniture, bags, and handicrafts. That’s all good. But let’s be honest: the supply always outpaces the demand. The hyacinths grow faster than we can turn them into anything useful. That’s why this Kenyan innovation caught my attention. It doesn’t just “use” water hyacinths—it turns them into biodegradable plastic, a material we can use daily and repeatedly. And better yet, it replaces petroleum-based plastic, which is one of the biggest polluters in the world. If Kenya can do it, why can’t we? We already have the raw materials floating around by the ton—literally clogging our lakes and rivers. What we need is the political will to explore, adopt, and adapt this technology. A Few Simple Steps Could Spark Big Change I respectfully propose a few simple actions that can get this ball rolling: 1. Talk to the Innovator. Let’s have the Philippine Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya contact Mr. Nguthiru. A simple conversation could lead to a collaboration. We don’t need to reinvent the wheel—we just need to bring it here. 2. Get the DENR on Board. The Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) should craft a roadmap to integrate this technology into our environmental programs—especially for waterway rehabilitation and solid waste management. 3. Public-Private Partnerships. Let’s encourage collaboration with startups and social enterprises who are ready to take this on. Think of the jobs this could create in local communities—collecting, processing, producing. Circular economy in action. 4. Back it Up with Science. The Department of Science and Technology (DOST) can lead the research to fine-tune the process for local conditions. Our climate, our water hyacinths, our market—all of these can help shape a uniquely Filipino version of HyaPak. 5. Enable It Through Policy. Perhaps the LLDA (Laguna Lake Development Authority) and relevant local government units can craft ordinances that facilitate the collection and transport of water hyacinths, rather than treating them as waste. From Weed to Wealth, from Waste to Wonder To President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., this is the kind of innovation your administration should champion. You’ve often spoken about sustainability, climate resilience, and inclusive growth. This checks all the boxes. It fights pollution, supports biodiversity, boosts local economies, and aligns perfectly with your goal of creating a “fierce and intense” government that delivers results. As citizens, we often feel helpless when facing environmental degradation. But here is one clear, practical, and achievable solution. Let’s not miss the boat—again. It’s about time we viewed our problems as potential, our weeds as wealth, and our waste as opportunity. In the words of HyaPak's slogan: “Nature to Nature.” The answer to our plastic problem may just be floating in our lakes. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-23-2025

LET’S RECYCLE USING REVERSE VENDING MACHINES

LET’S RECYCLE USING REVERSE VENDING MACHINES It’s time we stop treating garbage as garbage—and start seeing it for what it really is: an opportunity. I’m referring to the untapped potential of Reverse Vending Machines (RVMs), an innovation already proving its worth right here in the Philippines. These machines accept plastic bottles and aluminum cans in exchange for points, discounts, or incentives. Think of it as a recycling ATM—deposit trash, get rewarded. It’s simple, it’s effective, and it’s already working. One local company, Spurway Enterprises. has already installed RVMs in San Juan City and several other locations nationwide, proving that the concept isn’t just theoretical. It’s real, and it’s successful—not just in collecting recyclables but also in selling them. That’s what a circular economy looks like: turning waste into wealth while cleaning up our communities. Spurway Enterprises is now knocking on the door of the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and the European Union’s Green Economy Programme in the Philippines (GEPP). The EU has pledged 60 million Euros in green development funding, and the RVM initiative fits perfectly into the program’s goals: promoting sustainability, innovation, and green enterprise development. Now the question is: Will this funding be made available to those already doing the work on the ground? Let’s hope so. Because RVMs could be a cornerstone in solving one of our most stubborn problems: solid waste management. RVMs Aren’t Just Tech—They’re Tools for Empowerment But this isn’t just about machines. It’s about empowering local entrepreneurs. Each RVM can become the centerpiece of an eco-enterprise owned and operated by Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs)—the lifeblood of our economy. The collection and sale of recyclable materials can be run by small traders and junk shop owners, creating jobs at the grassroots level. This is sustainability with a human face: machines backed by community-driven enterprises. Even better, these RVMs can also serve as information hubs. Equipped with video screens, they can display advertisements to generate extra revenue, making them self-sustaining in the long run. They can also be programmed to show public service announcements (PSAs) from local or national government agencies—like the DTI, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, or the Department of the Interior and Local Government. This is how we marry environmental protection with economic empowerment. A Role for CREATE MORE and the SIPP The potential of RVMs extends into the realm of strategic investment. Under the CREATE MORE Act (RA 12066) and its accompanying Strategic Investments Priority Plan (SIPP), projects that promote innovation, sustainability, and inclusivity are eligible for incentives. So here’s the next step: RVMs should be officially recognized under these frameworks. The DTI and the Board of Investments (BOI) should offer guidance to local innovators on how to qualify for these incentives. Let’s not make them jump through hoops. Let’s clear the path. Where Policy Meets Practicality The technology exists. The local proof-of-concept exists. The community business model exists. The government’s green funding exists. Now it’s just a matter of connecting the dots. This is where leadership matters. The National Solid Waste Management Commission (NSWMC) should embrace RVMs as a key strategy in local waste management plans. LGUs should integrate these machines into barangay-level solid waste programs. And yes, the Office of the President should take a close look at this, because environmental protection and innovation are national concerns. If we do it right, we’ll not only reduce plastic waste—we’ll create jobs, stimulate entrepreneurship, and redefine recycling in the Philippines. Closing the Loop It’s ironic how we throw things away, thinking they’re worthless. But that “waste” could be a source of income, awareness, and empowerment—if we close the loop. Let’s move past the pilot projects and press releases. Let’s make RVMs a mainstream solution, backed by policy, funding, and local enterprise. If we want to clean up our environment, we can’t rely on slogans. We need systems. RVMs are one such system, already proven and waiting to be scaled. So, here’s my message to policymakers, agencies, and funders: don’t let this opportunity go to waste. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-22-2025

LET US AGAIN BECOME A NET EXPORTER OF RICE, AS WE HAVE DONE THAT BEFORE

LET US AGAIN BECOME A NET EXPORTER OF RICE, AS WE HAVE DONE THAT BEFORE We’ve just earned a title no Filipino should be proud of: the world’s top rice importer in 2024. That’s right—despite our rich agricultural heritage, ideal climate, and millions of rice farmers, we’ve overtaken everyone in buying what we used to grow ourselves. If this doesn’t ring alarm bells in the highest halls of power, then we may be deaf to our own national survival. A powerful new report from the Integrated Rural Development Foundation (IRDF), co-authored by respected experts like Dr. Ted Mendoza—whom I know personally and fully vouch for—reveals how we ended up in this crisis. It isn’t just a matter of bad weather or unlucky pests. This is about bad policy and broken systems. We’re Not Just Losing Rice—We’re Losing Land Dr. Mendoza points to a painful truth: over half a million hectares of prime irrigated rice land have been converted into malls, subdivisions, factories, and highways. That’s enough to feed the nation and still export rice—if we had protected it. This is why I strongly believe it’s time for the government to ban the conversion of irrigated land into non-agricultural use. These lands are the heart of our food security. Losing them is like tearing out our own lungs and expecting to breathe. Just as we have protected our forests, marine sanctuaries, and national parks under the National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS), we should pass a similar law—call it the National Irrigated Areas Protection System (NIAPS)—to give legal protection to all irrigated and productive farmland. Better yet, let’s make this part of the long-overdue National Land Use Act. This landmark law has been sleeping in Congress for years, and it's time for the Marcos administration to wake it up. From Rice Sufficiency to Rice Surplus We need to stop thinking of rice imports as “normal” or “necessary.” They are not. They are a symptom of policy failure. What we need instead is a long-term target for rice sufficiency—and beyond that, rice surplus. We should be able to export high-quality, Filipino-grown rice to the world again. And to do that, we must complete the agrarian reform process not just by handing out land, but by making that land productive. Every land reform beneficiary deserves access to irrigation, farm-to-market roads, modern tools, and reliable support services. In places where freshwater is scarce, the government must now invest in desalination technology. This isn’t science fiction—it’s already being done in countries with far fewer water resources than ours. With today’s climate challenges, water security is food security. Let’s Listen to Our Scientists The government must not operate in an echo chamber of bureaucrats. There are experts like Dr. Mendoza who have spent decades studying the science and economics of rice. He, and others like him, should be actively consulted in crafting national strategy. In fact, let’s mobilize all Filipino scientists who can contribute to solving the rice crisis—from soil experts to irrigation engineers, from crop breeders to GIS technologists. Speaking of which, why don’t we already have a national digital map of all irrigated lands? Using GIS (Geographic Information Systems) technology, we can map, monitor, and protect these vital areas from being lost to speculative real estate. The Real Enemy: Policy Neglect and Cartels The IRDF report is damning! Not only are farmers struggling with pests and floods, but many felt that they were abandoned by the National Food Authority, which reportedly refused to buy their produce as promised. Worse, farmgate prices have plummeted to just P11 to P12 per kilo, while it costs at least P17 to P18 to produce. No wonder farmers are quitting, and the youth want nothing to do with agriculture. Add to that the rice cartels, who hoard, manipulate prices, and entrap farmers in debt. This is not a free market. This is a captured market. And it’s bleeding both producers and consumers dry. The 2019 Rice Tariffication Law (RTL) was supposed to make rice affordable. It did not. It instead devastated local production. It’s time to replace RTL with a new law—the Rice Industry Sustainable Development Act (RISDA)—focused on self-reliance, climate resilience, and equitable market reforms. We also need a legally mandated support price—at least P25 per kilo of palay—so our farmers can survive, invest in their land, and inspire a new generation to plant rice, not abandon it. It’s Not Too Late, But It Soon Will Be Food security is not a matter of policy convenience—it’s a national security issue. If we cannot feed ourselves, we become vulnerable to the whims of foreign suppliers, volatile markets, and geopolitical instability. The Marcos administration must act boldly and swiftly. Declare irrigated rice lands as protected areas. Pass the National Land Use Act. Set a course for rice sufficiency and surplus. Consult scientists. Protect farmers. Break the monopolies. We are not just losing rice—we are losing our sovereignty. But with the right vision and the right policies, we can still reclaim it. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-21-2025

FROM COPRA TO VCO: TIME TO RETHINK OUR NATIONAL COCONUT STRATEGY

FROM COPRA TO VCO: TIME TO RETHINK OUR NATIONAL COCONUT STRATEGY The humble coconut—long dubbed the “tree of life”—is still at the center of our national livelihood and economy. Yet despite its rich potential, we continue to make decisions that yield low value, low income, and little long-term vision for our farmers. Case in point: the recent move by the Department of Agriculture (DA) to promote the use of copra meal as animal feed due to the global shortage of soybeans. While this may be a practical short-term solution, it is not a sustainable national strategy. We must ask: are we extracting the highest value from our coconuts, or are we stuck in outdated practices? The Copra Conundrum Let’s face it: making copra from fresh coconuts already causes value loss. When fresh coconut meat is dried into copra, much of the oil’s nutritional and economic value is degraded or wasted. Worse, copra is prone to contamination—from vermin to salmonella—which affects both human and animal health. Its shelf life and hygiene standards are simply not up to par in today's competitive market. While copra meal is sold cheaply as livestock feed, it represents the lowest rung in the value chain. It is a byproduct of a byproduct. Yes, it's better than waste—but we should be aiming higher. Cooking Oil vs. Virgin Coconut Oil On the next rung up is coconut cooking oil—particularly Refined, Bleached, and Deodorized (RBD) oil. It serves as a staple in homes and industries, both locally and abroad. The market is steady, but margins are not exactly eye-popping. It also requires refining infrastructure, and for small farmers and producers, that’s a high barrier to entry. At the top of the value chain sits Virgin Coconut Oil (VCO)—a premium product in the global health, food, and cosmetic markets. It requires no heavy refining and retains the coconut’s full natural benefits. It fetches significantly higher prices, especially in export markets. Yet despite its proven profitability, we have not gone all-in on promoting VCO as a national strategy. A Cabinet Cluster for Coconut Value Optimization Instead of relying on fragmented decisions by individual departments, it’s time for a unified strategy. I propose that the President establish a Cabinet Cluster for Coconut Industry Development and Value Optimization. This is more than just a policy group—it would be an empowered executive cluster with cross-sectoral coordination authority, similar to the clusters on food security, climate change, and digital infrastructure. Its core mandates should be: 1. Shifting the National Value Chain Focus Transition from low-value copra production to high-value coconut products like VCO, coco sugar, coconut flour, and functional health products. 2. Strengthening Farmer Participation Equip coconut farmers and cooperatives with training, technology, and access to decentralized VCO production methods. 3. Research and Development Mobilize the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) to develop new processing techniques, storage methods, and product diversification models. 4. Market Development and Branding Task the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) to position Filipino VCO as a global premium brand, just like Thai rice or Colombian coffee. 5. Food Safety and Standards Through the Department of Health (DOH) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), ensure that coconut products meet export-grade safety and labeling standards. 6. Inclusive Finance and Investment Engage the Department of Finance (DOF) and the Philippine Coconut Authority (PCA) to ensure that coconut levy funds are invested in VCO and value-added infrastructure, not in perpetuating the old copra system. 7. Agro-industrial Support Let the Department of Agriculture (DA) and the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) prioritize VCO production in farm-to-market programs, and make coconut diversification a centerpiece of rural development. This Cabinet Cluster must be chaired by no less than the Executive Secretary or directly by the President himself, to ensure national alignment and rapid implementation. Why It Matters This isn’t just about coconut products—it’s about uplifting millions of coconut farmers who remain among the poorest in the country. It’s about turning agricultural waste into wealth, and building a resilient, climate-smart economy. It’s also about strategic national planning. Why rely on foreign soybean imports when we can feed the world with high-value coconut products? Why settle for bulk exports when we can sell prestige-grade oils? Let’s remember that we are one of the top coconut-producing nations on Earth. That should mean something. But unless we evolve beyond copra and into full-value utilization, we will always be shortchanging ourselves. Final Thoughts Mr. President, instead of choosing between using copra for animal feeds or cooking oil, let’s choose the higher road. Let us invest in the future of coconut—and that future is in Virgin Coconut Oil and other high-value derivatives. Now is the time to convene a Cabinet Cluster dedicated to this purpose. Let us align our science, trade, agriculture, and health policies around a unified coconut strategy. In doing so, we don’t just build a stronger industry—we build a better life for every coconut farmer in the Philippines. The tree of life deserves nothing less. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 09-07-2025

WORMS VS. WASTE: HOW NATURE COULD HELP US BEAT PLASTIC POLLUTION

WORMS VS. WASTE: HOW NATURE COULD HELP US BEAT PLASTIC POLLUTION In the age-old war between humans and the mountains of plastic we’ve created, who would’ve thought that one of our strongest allies might be a humble worm? Yes, you read that right—waxworms, the small, squishy larvae of moths often used as fishing bait, are now at the center of a scientific breakthrough that could radically change how we manage plastic pollution. Two remarkable scientists—Dr. Federica Bertocchini from Spain and Dr. Christophe LeMoine from Canada—have uncovered a natural and sustainable method of breaking down polyethylene, the stubborn plastic found in shopping bags, food packaging, and countless other products that clutter our landfills and waterways. Nature’s Solution in a Worm’s Saliva Dr. Bertocchini, working at the Spanish National Research Council, discovered that two enzymes in waxworm saliva—Demetra and Ceres—can rapidly break down polyethylene. No need for high heat, complex machinery, or industrial pre-treatment. Just a natural compound doing what expensive recycling plants struggle to do. Meanwhile, Dr. LeMoine’s research at Brandon University in Canada revealed that gut bacteria in these worms also play a key role in degrading plastic—a microbial tag team, if you will. It’s a rare moment when science doesn’t invent the wheel but simply uncovers how nature has been spinning it all along. The implications are enormous. These biological processes don’t just break plastics into smaller pieces (as some mechanical processes do); they degrade them into simpler, potentially harmless compounds. This means fewer microplastics floating in our oceans and accumulating in our food chains. So Where Does the Philippines Come In? We are a plastic-dependent nation, and unfortunately, we’re also one of the biggest contributors to marine plastic pollution. Our archipelagic geography, paired with poor waste management infrastructure, makes it hard to avoid the plastic problem—even when we want to. But what if we stopped treating plastic waste as just garbage, and started treating it as feedstock for a natural solution? Here’s how we can act: 1. Start the Dialogue with Scientists The Department of Science and Technology (DOST) can lead the charge by reaching out to Dr. Bertocchini and Dr. LeMoine. Our embassies in Spain and Canada can facilitate collaboration. Let’s learn from the experts who made the discovery and bring that knowledge home. 2. Form a National Task Force This is more than a science project—it’s a potential industry. An interagency task force, led by the DOST and supported by the DENR, DTI, DA, and NEDA, could assess how we can adapt this technology to our waste streams. Think of it as planting seeds for an ecosystem of eco-startups, jobs, and cleaner cities. 3. Collaborate with Japan Japan is already researching waxworms in relation to plastic degradation. Given our strong ties with Japanese institutions, there’s room for technical exchanges, joint research, and pilot projects that can benefit both nations. 4. Localize the Tech With over 35,000 tons of waste generated daily in the Philippines, this enzyme-based solution could become part of an integrated plastic waste management strategy. It’s clean, scalable, and potentially revolutionary. Plus, it could generate green jobs—from worm farming to enzyme extraction and product development. Imagine community-based projects where plastic waste is treated with biodegradable enzymes instead of dumped into rivers or buried in landfills. It’s a future worth working toward. Turning the Tide We often look to high-tech fixes for low-tech problems. But sometimes, the answers are crawling under our noses—literally. Waxworms are not glamorous, but the enzymes in their bodies could give us a powerful, natural tool to reclaim our environment. This is not science fiction. It’s science fact. And with the right vision, leadership, and investment, the Philippines could lead Southeast Asia in enzyme-based plastic degradation technologies. That would be a legacy worth writing into our environmental history. So, let’s turn this story from a scientific curiosity into a national initiative. Let’s put worms to work—not just in compost pits, but on the front lines of environmental innovation. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-19-2025

SHOWTIME FOR THE PHILIPPINES: HOW FILIPINO FILMS CAN SHINE GLOBALLY

SHOWTIME FOR THE PHILIPPINES: HOW FILIPINO FILMS CAN SHINE GLOBALLY Something remarkable is happening on our screens. Filipino movies and series are no longer confined to local cinemas or late-night television—they are now showing up on global platforms like Netflix. Over 50 titles and counting. From indie gems to polished productions, the Philippines is quietly but steadily entering the world stage. But here’s the thing: this momentum needs more than applause—it needs a push. The global video streaming market, already worth over half a trillion dollars, is projected to balloon to $2.66 trillion by 2032, according to market forecasts. That's an 18.7% annual growth rate. In simpler terms: we’re in the middle of a gold rush, and we can’t afford to be standing on the sidelines with a camera and no budget. Don’t Just Celebrate—Support Other countries are already sprinting. Governments offer grants, tax breaks, and logistical help to boost their content industries and even attract foreign productions. We must do the same—but better and with Filipino flair. Prominent players like ABS-CBN and GMA Network, along with our many independent filmmakers, deserve more than applause. They need financial support, soft loans, and production-friendly policies that empower them to scale up their output without compromising quality. Let the FDCP and FAP Do More We already have key institutions in place—the Film Development Council of the Philippines (FDCP) and the Film Academy of the Philippines (FAP). But they're running on limited budgets while carrying enormous expectations. Let’s boost their funding so they can extend programs like FLIP (Film Location Incentive Program) and provide meaningful support to filmmakers at all levels. It’s time we stop asking them to do more with less. Exporting More Than Just Beauty Yes, our beaches are stunning. Our rice terraces are postcard perfect. And yes, they make great backdrops. But we’re not just selling scenery—we’re exporting stories, culture, and creativity. Filipino actors, directors, writers, and producers are world-class. If we market them right, the Philippines could become a sought-after destination for international co-productions. Think of it as the soft power equivalent of mangoes and remittances—only this time, it's cultural capital with global reach. Collaborate to Compete The global success of Hollywood, Bollywood, and Hallyu (Korea’s cultural wave) didn’t happen in isolation. They were built through strategic collaborations—co-productions, distribution deals, training exchanges, and joint ventures. Filipino creatives should be equipped and encouraged to pursue similar alliances. Imagine a Filipino Korean sci-fi drama. Or a Filipino American historical thriller. Or even a Southeast Asian horror anthology that goes viral. These aren’t pipe dreams—they’re untapped markets. A Strategy, Not Just Hope If we truly want to go global, we can’t just rely on “viral” hits or wait for another miracle festival win. We need a film export strategy—complete with marketing budgets, international distribution subsidies, and strong participation in global film festivals. We should be planting our flag not only at Cannes, Berlinale, and Venice—but also in newer venues like Busan, Toronto, and even the Oscars. Let the world know that Filipino storytelling travels well. Telling the Filipino Story, Globally We’ve already shown we can produce globally resonant content. Shows like Gameboys, Family of Two, and Outside have found their way into international viewership—because they’re honest, heartfelt, and human. Filipino stories, when told well, cut across borders. Now imagine what more we could achieve if those stories were better funded, better distributed, and better supported by policy. The Next Act: A Task Force for Film Here’s a simple proposal, that we form a presidential task force that brings together the FDCP, FAP, DFA, DTI, DOT, and major industry stakeholders like ABS-CBN and GMA. Let’s sit everyone at the same table and plan a national strategy—not just to promote Filipino films, but to create an ecosystem where world-class productions are the norm, not the exception. Filipino films are more than entertainment—they are ambassadors of our identity, our humor, our pain, our dreams. Let’s give them the stage they deserve. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-18-2025

GOODBYE PLASTIC, HELLO PLANET: TIME TO BAG THE OLD HABITS

GOODBYE PLASTIC, HELLO PLANET: TIME TO BAG THE OLD HABITS Let’s be honest—plastic bags are everywhere. From your neighborhood sari-sari store to high-end supermarkets, they're the default option for carrying everything from groceries to gadgets. But here’s the reality we can’t afford to ignore: plastic is choking our landfills, clogging our waterways, and poisoning our seas. The good news? The solution is already here—and it's biodegradable. The Philippines is ready to make the switch, if only our policies catch up with our potential. That’s why I propose that President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. issue an Executive Order in 2025, encouraging retail establishments to adopt biodegradable shopping bags. Not just for show, but as a bold, doable step toward environmental sustainability that’s also good for business. We’ve talked for years about banning plastic but bans without alternatives simply shift the burden onto consumers and stall progress. What we need is transition, not disruption—and biodegradable bags are the bridge. Start Local, Think Big We already have Filipino companies like Oikos Sustainability Solutions (Oikos PH) manufacturing eco-friendly packaging options. Instead of relying on imported alternatives, why not prioritize homegrown solutions? If we support our own innovators, we create jobs, stimulate green entrepreneurship, and reduce our dependency on foreign materials. Standardize and Certify Of course, not all "biodegradable" bags are created equal. That’s why the Department of Trade and Industry’s Bureau of Philippine Standards (DTI-BPS) should step in to define clear guidelines—so that businesses and consumers can trust that what's being sold as "eco-friendly" truly is. The DTI can also curate a list of certified local manufacturers, while the Bureau of Customs can do the same for reputable importers. Incentivize the Switch As with any transition, cost can be a barrier. That’s where government incentives come in. Tax breaks, subsidies, or low-interest loans to biodegradable bag producers would spur innovation and drive prices down, making it easier for retailers to adopt these alternatives. Information is Power Let’s not forget the importance of public awareness. A joint campaign by DTI, DENR, and DILG could highlight the long-term benefits of switching to biodegradable bags—not just for the planet, but for everyday people. Let’s bring the conversation to markets, schools, malls, and online platforms. If consumers start asking for biodegradable options, retailers will have to follow. Secure the Supply Chain No bag can be made without raw materials. For starch-based bags, that means cassava, corn, and possibly even vegetable oils. Here, the Department of Agriculture (DA) can ensure local supply, while the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) explores sustainable production techniques and new innovations, such as mushroom-derived packaging or seaweed-based films. Going Global This isn't just a domestic opportunity—it’s an export one. With growing global demand for sustainable packaging, the DTI and DFA can work to open doors in international markets for Filipino-made biodegradable bags. We could soon be exporting sustainability, not just sugar and coconuts. A Model for Southeast Asia If we do this right, the Philippines can be a regional leader in environmental responsibility. A government-endorsed shift to biodegradable shopping bags would send a clear message: We are serious about our environment and smart about our economy. We don’t need to wait for a global summit or international treaty—we can act now. The Bottom Line This isn’t about banning convenience; it’s about redefining it. True convenience is not using plastic for 10 minutes and watching it pollute the planet for 1,000 years. True convenience is having options that don’t cost the Earth—literally. The nation looks to the Marcos administration not just to protect what is, but to shape what can be. This small yet powerful act—an EO to encourage biodegradable bags—could be a turning point in our fight against plastic pollution. So, let’s bag the excuses and embrace the alternatives. The future is biodegradable. Let’s make it national policy. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 07-17-2025