LET US HAVE MORE WOMEN AND CHILDREN PROTECTION DESKS

LET US HAVE MORE WOMEN AND CHILDREN PROTECTION DESKS One of the more heartening developments in the Philippine National Police (PNP) over the years has been the establishment of the Women and Children Protection Desk (WCPD). As its name suggests, this specialized unit is tasked with handling cases of violence, exploitation, and abuse committed against women and children. It plays a crucial role in ensuring the safety of some of the most vulnerable members of our society. However, while the intention is commendable, we need to confront an uncomfortable truth: there are not enough WCPDs, and in some cases, there is a desk — but no officer to man it. Based on my own experience working in government, I’ve seen how a “desk” can sometimes be just that — a literal piece of furniture with no one sitting behind it. This could be due to personnel shortages in the PNP, which may leave no officers available to man the desk full-time. But the law is the law, and it explicitly requires that every police station should have a designated officer — a policeman or policewoman — to oversee the WCPD. Assigning personnel is not optional; it’s a legal mandate. The work of a WCP desk officer goes far beyond receiving complaints. It’s a coordinative role, one that requires close collaboration with the local government unit (LGU), the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG), and even non-government organizations (NGOs) and church-based groups. In particularly sensitive or complex cases, the Department of Health (DOH) and the Department of Justice (DOJ) — including the Public Attorney’s Office (PAO) — may also be called upon for support. The protection of children often requires an even broader network of services. In cases of severe neglect or abuse, some children need to be placed into foster care or sheltered in an orphanage. This means the WCPD’s coordination role extends well beyond law enforcement — it requires navigating an entire social welfare ecosystem. While any officer can technically be assigned to the WCPD, it would be ideal to assign those with backgrounds in social work, psychology, or counseling. A good investigator can solve a case, but a trained counselor or social worker can understand the trauma, the fear, and the hesitancy that many victims carry — making it far more likely that cases will move forward, and victims will receive the support they need. At the provincial level, the Council for the Welfare of Children (CWC) should also play a more active role. Ideally, the CWC should station their own personnel at provincial police headquarters, ensuring that expertise in child welfare and protection is embedded at the command level, if they cannot assign personnel to every local station. Furthermore, the Department of Education (DepEd) must also be part of the equation. Many children who find themselves in police stations are out of school, and reintegration into the education system — with the right support services — could be the key to their long-term well-being. When we step back and look at the bigger picture, it becomes clear that the protection of women and children cannot be the responsibility of just one agency. This is a multifaceted effort that demands the active involvement of local chief executives — particularly mayors. Given their authority over the local police, social welfare offices, health centers, and community programs, mayors are in the best position to provide leadership and direction for a truly coordinated response. The WCPD is already collaborating with several agencies and organizations, including the DSWD, DOH, DOJ, and NGOs, to provide medical, legal, and psychological support to victims. They also participate in training programs, conduct public awareness campaigns, and work on policy advocacy to improve the system. Still, all these efforts — valuable as they are — cannot substitute for the basic requirement: a properly staffed, well-trained, and fully operational WCP Desk in every police station. It’s time to go beyond good intentions and ensure that women and children, wherever they are in the country, have immediate and reliable access to protection and support. Let us have more Women and Children Protection Desks and let us make sure that these desks are not empty — but manned by trained, compassionate, and capable officers who understand that the safety and future of women and children depend on their work. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 04-06-2025

HOW IS THE CRIME RATE COMPUTED IN THE PHILIPPINES?

HOW IS THE CRIME RATE COMPUTED IN THE PHILIPPINES? When we talk about the crime rate in the Philippines, we often assume that the figures we see are accurate reflections of reality. But have we ever paused to ask—how exactly is the crime rate computed? Where does this data come from, and how reliable is it? The computation of the crime rate in the Philippines is officially handled by the Philippine National Police (PNP). The formula itself is straightforward: Crime Rate = (Total Reported Crimes / Total Population) x 100,000 This simple equation gives us the number of crimes per 100,000 people, allowing for fair comparison across regions and time periods. However, the reality behind these numbers is more complex than it appears. Data from the Ground The foundation of our national crime rate is empirical data collected at the grassroots level—from individual police stations scattered across the country. Every reported crime is logged in local police blotters, forming the building blocks of the statistics that eventually reach the national level. The national crime rate, therefore, is an aggregation of countless individual reports from local precincts, towns, and cities, all funneled upward to the PNP headquarters. There is, of course, a presumption of regularity in the collection and reporting of data. But should we blindly trust these numbers? Data Manipulation: A Persistent Concern There’s always the uncomfortable possibility that some local police commanders might be tempted to manipulate or "sanitize" data. A lower crime rate, after all, can make a local police force look good, implying effective policing under their watch. This potential conflict of interest can lead to underreporting or downgrading of crimes. When crime data is used as a performance metric, the temptation to tweak reality grows. The integrity of our crime rate depends largely on the honesty and transparency of local reporting officers, and the absence of systemic pressure to artificially lower the figures. Digitalization as a Safeguard One promising development is the PNP’s digitalization initiatives, including the electronic blotter system (e-Blotter), which aims to streamline and centralize crime data collection and reporting. With real-time data input and digital trail tracking, data tampering becomes harder, and the system gains more transparency. This move toward digitalization is in line with President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr.’s call for a modernized government service, and it highlights why digitalization matters so much in law enforcement. Room for Improvement Despite these initiatives, the PNP’s data collection system still has room for improvement, particularly when it comes to speed, accuracy, and completeness. Data from the ground often travels too slowly upward, and the quality of reports can vary significantly between stations. The interoperability of PNP systems with other government agencies, as President Marcos has emphasized, also needs work. Crime data shouldn’t exist in silos—forensic data, prosecution data, and even barangay-level incident reports should feed into a unified, interoperable system. Moreover, digital systems age quickly. All government IT systems, including those used by the PNP, must be continuously upgraded and secured to keep pace with technological advancements and emerging cyber threats. Leveraging Advanced Technologies The good news is, it’s not too late for the PNP to adopt more advanced tools, including data analytics, artificial intelligence (AI), and machine learning. These technologies could help spot crime patterns, predict high-risk areas, and even detect inconsistencies in reports—a powerful tool to prevent data manipulation. There’s also plenty of Free and Open-Source Software (FOSS) available, meaning the PNP could modernize its systems without excessive spending on licensing fees. Collaboration with Private Sector As someone who has worked on similar initiatives in the past, I would be more than willing to organize partnerships between the PNP and ICT/telecom companies to make this happen. Public-private partnerships can accelerate the adoption of smart technologies, bringing in expertise and infrastructure that the government may lack. Looking at the Bigger Picture In understanding the crime rate, it’s important to note that major crimes—like murder, rape, robbery, and kidnapping—are generally included in the computation as "index crimes." These serious offenses serve as key indicators of the country’s peace and order situation. Non-index crimes—which cover offenses under special laws such as illegal drugs, environmental violations, and traffic violations—are usually excluded from the crime rate computation. This is something we should reconsider. After all, crime is crime, and a true picture of public safety should encompass both index and non-index offenses. Final Thoughts The crime rate is more than just a statistic—it’s a barometer of public safety and a reflection of governance. If we want it to be accurate, reliable, and meaningful, we need to: Ensure honest and accurate data collection at all levels. Continue digitalization efforts and promote transparency. Enhance system interoperability across agencies. Invest in advanced technologies to analyze and secure crime data. Encourage independent oversight to validate reported crime rates. Only through these measures can we have a crime rate we can trust—a figure that truly reflects the safety of our communities and guides policy and police action in the right direction. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 04-05-2025

SAVING THE FORESTS BY GROWING COFFEE BEANS

SAVING THE FORESTS BY GROWING COFFEE BEANS As I sit here sipping my coffee, I am reminded of the irony that we import most of our milk and flour, despite being an agricultural country. But what's even more alarming is that we only produce about 30% of our local coffee demand, forcing us to import about 70% of it. It's no wonder I don't feel guilty buying coffee from Starbucks and Seattle's Best anymore. I used to envy Singapore for its strong export game, but now I'm looking at Switzerland and Germany, who have become top coffee exporters despite not producing coffee beans themselves. They're buying raw beans from other countries, processing them, and exporting them. It's a clever move, and one that we could learn from. We have the land, the farmers, and the knowledge to grow more coffee beans. So, why don't we? Marketing isn't a problem, as global demand far exceeds local production. In fact, we'd need to quadruple our production to become a net exporter. But here's the thing: we don't need to clear more forests to grow more coffee. There's a better way, as demonstrated by Daniel Jason Maches' Barlig Rainforest Coffee project. Mr. Maches grows coffee within the forest, without cutting down trees or destroying the ecosystem. Instead, he preserves existing trees and plants more, including native species like Almaciga, which is a habitat for the critically endangered Philippine Eagle. Maches' approach is revolutionary. By growing coffee within the forest, he's saving the forest and producing coffee at the same time. His sustainability strategy includes using organic fertilizers, natural insect control solutions, and nitrogen-fixing plants. The global demand for coffee is substantial, with the market expected to reach USD 54.04 billion by 2030. The Philippines is the 14th largest coffee producer in the world, but our production is still relatively small compared to major coffee-producing countries. However, with initiatives like Maches' Barlig Rainforest Coffee project, we can increase our production while preserving our forests. It's a win-win situation. So, let's take a cue from Switzerland and Germany, and start processing and exporting our own coffee. We have the potential to become a major player in the global coffee market, while also saving our forests. Maches calls himself a social entrepreneur, meaning that he is a small businessman, and not an NGO. The core of his plantation is a 4 hectare that given to him by his father, but he has invited other landowners and farmers to also grow coffee using his methods. He gives them coffee seedlings as a way of helping him, without any obligation to sell back to him. As it happens however, most of the farmers sell more than half of their harvests to him, perhaps inspired by a moral obligation. As I see it, the approach of Maches could be replicated all over the Philippines, not necessarily via social entrepreneurs, or even via NGOs. Maches himself is an Indigenous Tribal Person (ITP), and he encourages ITPs to adopt his business model. That said, if his business model could be adopted by ITPs everywhere, the same thing will happen. ITPs will not only produce coffee for their own livelihood, they will also help in preserving forests and promoting sustainability. It's time for us to step up our coffee game and make a positive impact on the environment. Who's with me? Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 04-04-2025

GROWING RATTAN COMMERCIALLY

GROWING RATTAN COMMERCIALLY As we navigate the challenges of environmental sustainability, it's heartening to see a growing demand for eco-friendly products like rattan furniture and housewares. However, this surge in demand has also highlighted a pressing issue: the low supply of rattan raw materials. The solution seems straightforward: plant more rattan. After all, we've witnessed the remarkable growth of interest in bamboo farming. Why can't we replicate this success with rattan? Both bamboo and rattan have their unique features and combining them in furniture making can create truly exceptional pieces. Rattan offers numerous benefits. It can help control soil erosion and prevent landslides in hilly and mountainous areas, making it an excellent crop for sustainable land management. Moreover, growing rattan can provide a lucrative livelihood for indigenous tribal peoples and other forest dwellers. The demand for rattan and bamboo furniture has increased significantly, largely due to concerns about the environmental impact of plastic furniture. This shift in consumer preference presents a tremendous opportunity for the Philippines to capitalize on its rich rattan resources. So, what needs to be done to boost rattan production in the country? Which agency should take the lead – DENR, DA, or perhaps DOST through FPRDI? What new technologies or research can be leveraged to improve rattan cultivation and harvesting? Indonesia currently dominates the global rattan market, accounting for about 70% of total production. The Philippines, however, is the second-largest producer, with a significant industry that employs over 4 million people. It's time for us to take a closer look at our rattan industry and explore ways to increase production, improve sustainability, and promote eco-friendly practices. By doing so, we can not only meet the growing demand for rattan products but also contribute to a more environmentally conscious and responsible future. Who in our government is responsible for planning for our export strategy? Are the outcomes of our exports because of good planning or is it because of accidental successes that have nothing to do with government planning. Does the government evaluate problems and opportunities in export marketing? Does it study the possible impacts of where we have comparative advantages and competitive advantages? In the case of rattan, Indonesia might have the comparative advantage over us because they have 300 species of rattan compared to our 66 species, but we might have the competitive advantage over them because we have better furniture designers, I would like to believe, and aside from that, we have more intricate workers and artisans, I also would like to believe. I do not know who the Indonesian designers are, but here we have Kenneth Cobonpue, a “renowned Filipino industrial designer known for his unique and innovative designs that integrate natural materials through handmade production processes. Born on December 16, 1968, Cobonpue has gained international recognition for his work, which has been featured in films like "Ocean's 13" and "CSI: Miami." His clientele includes Hollywood celebrities and members of royalty, such as Queen Sofía of Spain and Queen Rania of Jordan” (credits to Wikipedia). Also, according to Wikipedia, “Cobonpue's designs are celebrated for their artistic and handcrafted qualities, combining traditional and modern elements. He has received numerous awards, including the Maison et Objet's Asian Designer of the Year and the Gawad sa Sining Award for Design. He also founded the Industrial Design Program at the University of the Philippines in Cebu and has been involved in various government and private sector roles related to design and the creative economy”. We also have Budji Layug, a renowned Filipino designer known for his innovative and organic approach to design. Layug is a co-founder of Budji+Royal Architecture+Design, a firm that emphasizes a holistic approach to design, integrating architecture, interior design, furniture, home accessories, and landscaping to create cohesive and harmonious spaces. He has made significant contributions to the design world, both locally and internationally. His work is characterized by a modern organic sensibility, blending traditional Filipino craftsmanship with contemporary design elements. He has collaborated with Royal Pineda, an architect, to create a distinctive style that is well-regarded in the design community (credits to Archify). Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 04-03-2025

DO WE HAVE A LONG-TERM PHILIPPINE DEVELOPMENT PLAN?

DO WE HAVE A LONG-TERM PHILIPPINE DEVELOPMENT PLAN? Do we have a long-term Philippine development plan? The short answer is yes — but with some caveats. It goes by the name Ambisyon Natin 2040, a vision statement introduced in 2016 by the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA). However, calling it a "plan" might be a stretch, as it’s more of a wish list or aspirational statement rather than a concrete roadmap with clear programs and policies. Ambisyon Natin 2040 imagines a Philippines where every Filipino enjoys a “matatag, maginhawa, at panatag na buhay” (a stable, comfortable, and secure life) by the year 2040. It spans four presidential terms — from 2016 to 2040 — but the document itself offers no clear guarantees on how successive administrations will commit to that vision. In essence, it’s a dream, not a detailed action plan. But, for all its limitations, having Ambisyon Natin 2040 is still better than having nothing at all. At the very least, it creates a broad framework that can guide government agencies, development planners, and policymakers. Medium-Term Plans: The Real Action Plans The reality, however, is that the Philippines primarily relies on Medium-Term Philippine Development Plans (MTPDPs), which are crafted and approved every six years to align with the term of the incumbent President. Right now, we are operating under the Philippine Development Plan (PDP) 2023-2028, approved by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. through Executive Order No. 14. Every president, in theory, “owns” the MTPDP created during his or her term. However, one common criticism is that these documents often end up gathering dust on shelves instead of being faithfully followed. There is no binding mechanism that forces any administration to strictly adhere to its own MTPDP. The MTPDP is supposed to guide national policies and programs, but there’s often a disconnect between what’s on paper and what happens on the ground. Political priorities, emergencies, and changing circumstances frequently derail the best-laid plans. What’s more, ruling political parties rarely adopt the MTPDP as their official platform, despite the plan’s purpose of aligning government action. Linking Plans to the Long-Term Vision In theory, each MTPDP should contribute to the realization of Ambisyon Natin 2040 — each six-year plan acting as a building block toward the 2040 vision. But in practice, there’s little evidence that MTPDPs are consciously crafted with Ambisyon Natin 2040 in mind. The long-term vision often feels like an orphan project — unclaimed and largely ignored. The reality is that long-term planning is difficult in a country where politics often takes precedence over continuity. Each administration brings its own agenda, and while some elements of the MTPDP may survive, others are discarded or revised based on the sitting president’s priorities. Presidential Approval and the Role of NEDA Legally, the President must approve and sign off on the MTPDP, typically via an Executive Order. This step gives the plan official status, ensuring that national agencies, government-owned corporations, financial institutions, and even local government units (LGUs) are expected to align their own programs and budgets with the plan’s strategies. This was precisely the case when President Marcos Jr. signed Executive Order No. 14, adopting the PDP 2023-2028. It sets development targets and economic strategies aimed at accelerating post-pandemic recovery, creating jobs, and reducing poverty. Alignment with Global Goals — and What Happens After 2030? The MTPDP is also supposed to align with global commitments, particularly the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which have a target date of 2030. This raises an interesting question — how does the government plan to transition from the SDGs (which end in 2030) to Ambisyon Natin 2040, which ends a decade later? There is little public discussion on how these timelines fit together. Ideally, the SDGs should act as stepping stones toward achieving Ambisyon Natin 2040, but without clear integration and monitoring, there’s no guarantee that will happen. What Happens After 2028? After the current PDP (2023-2028) expires, the next plan will cover 2029-2034. But like its predecessors, it will largely depend on the priorities of the next president. Whether or not that future MTPDP will faithfully build toward Ambisyon Natin 2040 remains to be seen. A Call for Continuity If the Philippines truly wants to achieve its long-term vision, it must establish stronger mechanisms for policy continuity across administrations. There needs to be: Institutional buy-in from all branches and levels of government. Public awareness and engagement to hold leaders accountable. A strong monitoring and evaluation system to track how each MTPDP contributes to Ambisyon Natin 2040. Who Owns Ambisyon Natin 2040? Perhaps the biggest challenge is this: Who truly owns Ambisyon Natin 2040? Right now, it seems like nobody — not even NEDA, the agency that created it. Until we have a strong sense of national ownership over long-term plans, and a cultural shift toward policy consistency over political convenience, Ambisyon Natin 2040 risks remaining just that — an ambition, rather than a reality. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 04-02-2025

HOW SHOULD WE MEASURE THE UNEMPLOYMENT RATE?

HOW SHOULD WE MEASURE THE UNEMPLOYMENT RATE? Unemployment is one of the most closely watched indicators of a nation’s economic health. In the Philippines, how exactly do we measure unemployment — and are we doing it the right way? Every country has its own method for measuring unemployment, and here in the Philippines, we follow global practices to a certain extent. The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) conducts the Labor Force Survey (LFS), like what other countries do. However, unlike a full census where every household is counted, the LFS relies on a sample of the population. This raises the question: Are we getting an accurate picture of unemployment when we depend on surveys rather than a complete census? In most cases, an unemployed person is described as someone who is (1) jobless, (2) actively looking for work, and (3) available to start working immediately. This definition is quite standard worldwide. Following this logic, those who are not actively looking for work and those who are not ready to work should not be counted as unemployed. But why are some people not looking for work? There could be many reasons. Some might be living off their inheritance or the interest from their bank deposits. Others might be running their own businesses. Meanwhile, some are simply discouraged after failing to find suitable jobs. There are also individuals who are not ready to work, perhaps because they are dealing with personal problems or are prioritizing other matters. Some might lack the skills or certifications needed for the jobs available to them. Given the size of our population, I do not blame the national government for relying on sample surveys rather than trying to count every unemployed person through a nationwide census. However, at the local level, it is both feasible and practical for LGUs to conduct their own employment censuses — especially through their Public Employment Services Office (PESO). Think about it: in every city, municipality, and barangay, the jobless individuals who are actively seeking work and ready to work would likely be willing to register with their local PESO offices if they knew it would help them find jobs. Many, in fact, may have already done so. This type of local census could give LGUs a clearer and more realistic picture of unemployment within their jurisdiction. It may be controversial to say, but I agree with the government’s approach of excluding those who are not looking for work and not ready to work from the unemployment count. After all, some of these individuals may be involved in informal activities — or even illegal ones — which makes their economic status difficult to classify. Lack of training and certification is also a factor that keeps some individuals not ready for work. Fortunately, PESO offices could step in to offer training programs and help job seekers become qualified for available jobs. To further help job seekers, I have personally developed a website where jobless individuals can register for free. Employers, both local and international, will pay a modest annual fee to post job openings on the site. This is not illegal recruitment — the website functions purely as a social media platform for job opportunities. We do not recruit anyone directly; we simply post information. In addition, my platform offers optional assistance for job seekers who want to undergo training and certification programs. Ultimately, the unemployment data at the LGU level should not be static — it should be updated monthly. This dynamic approach would better reflect how well local officials are implementing job creation programs. Accurate unemployment data is not just about numbers — it’s a gauge of good local governance and economic vitality. There is no single perfect way to measure unemployment. Some countries use the LFS method, others rely on unemployment insurance claims, while some track underemployment and discouraged workers. In the Philippines, combining the LFS method with local PESO registration data could provide a more comprehensive and accurate picture of unemployment. At the end of the day, we need to measure unemployment not just to produce statistics, but to truly understand the realities faced by Filipino workers. Whether at the national or local level, getting the numbers right is the first step toward crafting effective policies and programs that can create more jobs, better livelihoods, and ultimately, a more inclusive economy. Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 04-01-2025

SOME IDEAS ABOUT POVERTY REDUCTION

SOME IDEAS ABOUT POVERTY REDUCTION For years, the government has relied on the Poverty Threshold Basket (PTB) method to measure poverty in the Philippines. This so-called "imaginary basket of goods" is a list of basic food and non-food items that a typical Filipino family would need to survive. However, it’s becoming increasingly clear that many items in this basket are outdated and no longer reflect the reality of how Filipinos live today. Take landline telephone costs, for example. How many households still use landlines? Most Filipinos rely on mobile phones, yet cellphone load and internet access are not part of the imaginary basket. Instead, the basket still includes postage costs — a relic from a time when letters were the primary form of communication. These days, people communicate through email, Viber, Facebook Messenger, and other online platforms. If the government wants to truly understand poverty, it should revise the basket to reflect modern necessities, including mobile data. Internet access is no longer a luxury; it's a lifeline. It connects people to job opportunities, educational resources, health information, and government services. It’s time to add cellphone load and internet costs to the PTB. Another outdated assumption is that tap water is always safe to drink. The basket includes water costs, but does it account for the reality that many families are forced to buy expensive bottled water because they don’t trust the safety of what comes out of their taps? Likewise, while fuel and electricity are part of the basket, are the government’s calculations keeping pace with the relentless rise in energy prices? How often is the basket adjusted to reflect these price changes? Beyond the basket, I believe it’s time to rethink how we measure poverty altogether. Many countries have already shifted to using the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI). Why not try it here? I’m not suggesting we abandon the PTB method entirely — but rather that we use both methods side by side. The MPI approach goes beyond income and spending. It focuses on access — whether families have access to education, health services, clean water, decent housing, and stable employment opportunities. A family that gets free school supplies, free health check-ups, or discounted electricity through local government programs could be lifted out of poverty, even if their income remains low. This approach recognizes that poverty isn’t just about money — it’s about deprivation. That’s why I keep repeating: Poverty reduction is not the same as poverty alleviation. The two are often confused, but they are fundamentally different. Poverty alleviation means making poverty more bearable — by handing out financial aid (Ayuda), providing food packs, or subsidizing services. These measures are important, but they don’t lift people out of poverty. Poverty reduction, on the other hand, means lifting people above the poverty line permanently by creating real opportunities for better income, stable jobs, and access to essential services. Providing services and distributing cash assistance can ease suffering, but they don’t lower the poverty rate. They only make it slightly less painful. In fact, it’s possible for a local government unit (LGU) to achieve zero poverty within its area. Curious how? Ask me how! It starts with understanding the difference between alleviation and reduction — and then building sustainable solutions that empower people to escape poverty, not just survive it. If we’re serious about poverty reduction, it’s time for the government to update costs of the goods inside the imaginary basket, adopt the MPI as a parallel method, and most importantly, focus on real, long-term solutions that help families rise above the poverty line once and for all. The road to zero poverty starts with a clear vision, modern tools, and the political will to move beyond short-term aid. Are we ready to take that first step? Ramon Ike V. Seneres, www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com, 09088877282, senseneres.blogspot.com 03-31-2025