senseneres

Monday, June 15, 2026

FULLY SUPPORTING THE STATEMENT OF THE Chamber of Commerce of the Philippine Islands ON CORRUPTION

I wholeheartedly echo the call issued by the Chamber of Commerce of the Philippine Islands (CCPI), together with 29 other business and civic organizations, in their statement on corruption. They described rampant graft as “shameful, unabated, continuing and excessive” — especially within the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), local government units (LGUs) and the Commission on Audit (COA).

As a member of the business community – and as a citizen – I fully support their bold language and strong demands. They called on officials to stop, with the plea: “PLEASE STOP! MAAWA NAMAN KAYO SA MGA NAGHIHIRAP NA TAONG BAYAN”.

Here’s why this matters to me – and must matter to all of us.

Why this statement matters

Leadership from business and civil society: CCPI is among the oldest and most respected business institutions in the Philippines. Their participation sends a signal: business will not tolerate the status-quo of impunity.
Clear focus on public-works and governance: The focus of concern is not vague. The statement names DPWH, LGUs and COA as key arenas of concern.
Concrete demands: They demand an independent body to investigate and prosecute corrupt officials, recover stolen public funds and restore public trust.
Moral framing: This is framed not just as mis-governance, but as a crime against the poor. Which makes it not only a business concern but a national justice concern.

My call to other organizations

To other business associations, chambers, civil-society networks, universities, faith-based groups: I urge you to publicly support the CCPI’s statement. Corruption of this scale undermines not just governance—but investment, growth, innovation, fairness. Recent surveys show CEOs remain optimistic about the economy but “wary of corruption”.

By joining this call, you affirm: business doesn’t simply adjust to corruption, it rejects it. Citizens don’t simply endure it, they challenge it.

Suggestions on how we could defeat this problem

Below are suggestions I offer, open to refinement and expansion:

1. Establish a unified integrity-pledge movement.
Following the CCPI statement’s six-point action plan, participants must pledge that their organization “shall not bribe any politician or government official in exchange for project approvals or favors”. Business groups, service-industries, even LGU-suppliers should sign on; the combined social cost will shift norms.

2. Black-list and expose collusion networks.
The statement urges to “blacklist the notorious businessmen and contractors who conspire with the corrupt politicians and officials, and never do business with these people”. Transparency in supply-chains and procurement is vital. Organizations should publish their vendor lists, due-diligence results and links to any known cases.

3. Support independent investigative machinery.
An independent commission, properly empowered and insulated from undue political influence, must be armed with subpoena power, forensic accounting capability, and public-reporting mechanisms. The statement makes this clear: “thorough investigations … by an independent body with the aim of prosecuting these corrupt officials, putting them in jail, and recovering the stolen funds.” Business and civic organizations can fund civil-society monitoring, citizen-watchdog contributions, and public-data platforms feeding the investigations.

4. Mobilize citizen education and voter-awareness.
The joint statement emphasizes: “participate in and support citizen and voter education campaigns … so that citizens can discern and elect officials who have good anti-corruption records.” Universities, business schools, youth networks and professional associations must adopt curricula and programs that teach procurement ethics, public-sector oversight, civic duty.

5. Leverage technology, transparency and data-sharing.
As business and professional bodies, we should adopt open-data tools, public-vendor registries, blockchain-enabled procurement tracking, and real-time dashboards of project-costs vs. budgets. These technologies can raise the cost of corruption by heightening visibility, accountability and citizen-access.

A final word

Corruption is not an abstract; it is real money, stolen resources, ruined infrastructure, lost lives. Recent coverage reveals millions of pesos in flood-control funds may have been misused, failing to protect the very communities most at risk. The CCPI and its partners are refusing to remain silent. So should we.

To business leaders, civic activists, educators and citizen-professionals: this is your plate too. Join the statement, build the integrity networks, press for investigations, engage the public.

Let us not simply call for reform. Let us make reform inevitable.

Corruption persists when silence, complicity and indifference prevail. The CCPI has spoken. Will you answer the call?

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/06-16-2026

Sunday, June 14, 2026

A CALL FOR NATIONAL SPIRITUAL TRANSFORMATION

I fully agree with what Lucelle Larawan is urging us to heed: a deep-down, soul-level change in our nation, not just another round of surface reform. He reminds us of the grotesque gap between policy and practice in the Philippines—and asks: what if the missing piece is spiritual?

Larawan puts it starkly: “Let me tell you about money that disappeared while people drowned.” Between 2023 and 2025, he cites, somewhere between ₱42.3 billion and ₱118.5 billion in flood-control funds simply vanished. Even more jaw-dropping: according to Greenpeace Philippines, up to ₱1.089 trillion in climate-tagged money could have been lost to corruption since 2023.

This is no mere accounting error. It’s families drowning in Marikina. Farmers in Bulacan watching their rice fields turn into lakes. Children in Cagayan were swallowed by the floods while someone somewhere got rich.

From July 2022 to May 2025 our government funded 9,855 flood-control projects worth over ₱545 billion. Yet after every typhoon, the same communities flood, the same streets become rivers, the same families lose everything. So asks Larawan, why? Because just 15 contractors cornered about ₱100 billion of those contracts. Ghost projects. Over-priced dredging during rainstorms. Flood-walls in spreadsheets while real water drowns real people.

There is also the health-infrastructure scandal. According to Larawan: “297 out of 600 super health centers … don’t exist. Nearly half.” Meanwhile, some 400 government-built health centers sit idle despite ₱400 billion spent over the past decade. A 2024 audit identified 123 DOH contracts worth ₱11.5 billion never finished on time—or worse: paid in full but never completed.

He writes: “This isn’t just theft. This is death by spreadsheet. This is murder in slow motion, signed in triplicate.” Powerful lines. And hard-to-argue with.

Why everything we’ve tried has failed
Larawan does a sweep through our big national moment of hope—People Power Revolution in 1986—and argues correctly: we changed faces, not systems; not culture; not the Filipino heart. He writes: “We’ve normalized vote-buying… we’ve normalized ‘lagay’… we’ve normalized kickbacks and ghost-projects…” The cycle keeps turning under different surnames, because “we haven’t addressed the deeper illness eating at our nation’s soul.”

And then the story turns to David Yonggi Cho and South Korea. In 1987, facing a repressive dictatorship, Koreans rallied—yes, on the streets—but even more crucially, in prayer. Cho mobilized millions not just for protest but for persistent national intercession: justice, repentance, democracy. Then in December they had their first genuine presidential election. From there, South Korea catapulted to global powerhouse status. Cho insisted: “When people align themselves with God’s purposes through prayer, heaven moves, and nations are transformed.”

Larawan then quotes the ancient promise from the Book of 2 Chronicles: “If my people will humble themselves, and pray and turn from their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven and heal their land.” He emphasizes: not just heal souls—but heal land, nation, system. He reminds us that corruption is not only political—it’s spiritual. Greed is spiritual; love of money is spiritual; the worship of power is spiritual.

Finally he asks: what if the solution is not another complex policy or oversight body—but prayer? Real, unified, persistent, desperate prayer. He says: “What if 90 million Filipino Christians—Catholics, Protestants, Evangelicals—all of us—stopped arguing over doctrine and started praying together?” He insists we still demand transparency, protest, vote—but add to that: mobilization of the spiritual dimension.

My reflections and suggestions
Larawan offers a call to the heart—and I join him wholeheartedly. Our systems are broken not only because of institutional failure, but because the underlying human and spiritual condition is corrupt. So:

Let's start by acknowledging the moral-spiritual dimension of corruption and failure. Policy alone hasn’t sufficed.
Let us pair action with prayer: demand transparency; monitor funds; prosecute graft—but also mobilize communal prayer: for honesty, repentance, protection of the vulnerable.
Encourage ecumenical unity across denominations: prayer gatherings that transcend factional divisions, focused on national healing, not just sectarian advantage.
Combine monitoring and spirituality: for example, public dashboards, citizen-oversight apps (open-source, perhaps blockchain-based), and at the same time national days of prayer and collective reflection.
Recognize that spiritual change takes time—but we should start now, because we are already losing lives, credibility, futures.

A closing question
Larawan challenges us: “The question isn’t whether it will work. The question is whether we believe it enough to try.” I ask you: As a nation, do we dare to believe? Not just believe that change is possible—but believe that we must be part of it? Because at this moment, with ₱1 trillion or more possibly lost, hundreds of ghost hospitals, and thousands of deaths from preventable causes, the cost of inaction is too high.

Let’s heed his call: not just for reform, but for transformation. Let’s step into that jagged, uncomfortable space where politics meets prayer—because maybe, just maybe, the one thing we haven’t really tried is the one thing we’ve been too modern, too cynical, too busy for.

It’s time. And may our questions become prayers, our prayers become action, and our action become national renewal.

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/06-15-2026

Saturday, June 13, 2026

LET’S SEPARATE DATA FOR MISEMPLOYMENT

In our public discourse and in labor policy discussions, we often reference terms like “underemployment” and “skills mismatch” as if they were interchangeable. But I’d like to propose a fresh—albeit uncomfortable—distinction: the concept of misemployment. It’s time we pull it out of the shadows and talk about it.

What is misemployment, anyway?
In simplest terms, misemployment happens when a person’s skills, time or resources are put to work in ways that are inefficient, inappropriate, or even harmful to the individual or to society. It’s broader than underemployment (which tends to mean “needs more work” or “less hours than desired”) and includes the misuse of talent and the misallocation of labor.

For example: a licensed teacher working as a sales clerk. A professional engineer doing mundane clerical work for years. A barangay health worker assigned to tasks that have little to do with health services. These are misemployments—a misuse of human capital that rarely makes headlines but steadily erodes potential.

Why does the distinction matter?
In the Philippines our main labor institutions—Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) and the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA)—do not track misemployment as a separate statistic. Nor does any other country (to my knowledge) officially publish a “misemployment rate”. Yet we track unemployment, underemployment, joblessness and hours worked. Why skip misemployment?

My late brother, Roy Seneres—former Ambassador and NLRC Chairman—was the first to make me aware of the flawed way we define underemployment in our country. Under our current definition: working fewer than eight hours a day qualifies. But Roy observed: “What about that teacher who becomes a sales-girl? She’s working eight hours a day, even more—but she is under‐utilized, her value wasted.” That is misemployment.

Here’s the problem:

We need to know how many people are underemployed (for instance, working less than eight hours a day or wanting more work).
We also need to know how many people are misemployed (working full hours but in roles well below their qualifications).
But which is the bigger driver of the “job-mismatch” we often talk about? I’d argue it’s misemployment. People have jobs—but they’re not the right jobs.

What do the numbers say?
Officially, for September 2025, PSA data show: an unemployment rate of 3.8 % (about 1.96 million Filipinos) and an employment rate of 96.2 %. Underemployment is at 11.1 % (equivalent to roughly 5.52 million people).

Notice: We don’t see any figure for misemployment. Because it’s not being measured separately. So it remains hidden—yet likely significant.

So where does the problem lie?
Is it in the educational system that produces graduates ill-matched to the job market? Is it in hiring practices that fail to utilize the right talent? Is it structural—when institutions assign people to the wrong posts or allow talent to go wasted? Might this be one reason why so many Filipinos go abroad, looking for jobs “right” for their skills? Possibly yes.

What can be done?
We need a database solution—perhaps backed by blockchain or AI-enhanced matching—to track skills, roles and assignments. At home, in barangays, in LGUs, we must know who we have, what they’re qualified for, and where they are deployed. For misemployment to be addressed, we first need to measure it.

Proposed modular data categories:

Skill Mismatch: Individuals working in jobs far below education/training.
Role Misallocation: Staff assigned outside mandates (e.g., health worker doing clerical duties).
Time Misuse: Staff with few tasks despite full-time status.
Resource Misemployment: Equipment or funds allocated for mis-directed jobs.
Cultural/Gender Misemployment: Talents of indigenous knowledge-holders or women sidelined in decision-making roles.

Suggested collection tools:

Barangay-level surveys that could align occupation, education and task.
Focus-group discussions with those misemployed.
Stakeholder mapping to identify gaps between assignment and actual work.
Policy audits comparing stated mandates with actual roles.

Why act now?
Because misemployment is silently draining our human capital. It is a form of labor market inefficiency which echoes across sectors: wasted potential, frustrated workers, slower innovation and stagnated productivity. When someone qualified for higher value work is doing lesser value work, society loses twice—what they could have contributed, and the cost of running something less suited.

What I suggest we do:

Lobby PSA/DOLE to add a misemployment indicator in their surveys, separate from underemployment.
Conduct pilot audits in selected barangays with the modular framework.
Use technology—smart matching platforms, AI algorithms—to bridge the gap between talent and role.
Integrate misemployment diagnostics into community-restoration, circular-governance models. Remap human capital just like we map physical infrastructure.

Final thoughts:
We all agree that jobs matter—but what if the job is wrong for you? That doesn’t just affect the individual; it ripples through households, communities and the economy. By lumping misemployment under “underemployment” or ignoring it altogether, we deny ourselves the chance to fix it. So: let’s separate the data, sharpen our focus and aim for not just more jobs—but right jobs.

We owe it to the millions of Filipinos who are working—and yet waiting, or are not earning right.

RAMON IKE V. SENERES

www.facebook.com/ike.seneres iseneres@yahoo.com senseneres.blogspot.com 09088877282/06-14-2026